Market and Sell YOUR Own Books: Tips For Indie Authors
Showing posts with label civil rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label civil rights. Show all posts

Monday, March 17, 2014

An Election Story to Remember; Told by Civil Rights Activist, Author Hunter Bear

GUEST BLOG: Note by Hunter Bear   (March 17 2014)

Prof John Salter (Hunter Bear) harassed at a Jackson, Miss. lunch counteer

And with a big, all-around clear plastic 
ballot box as well.

When we lived in Chicago, [where a hundred tribes or so are represented], I was active as a Native person and volunteer in Native programs on the Northside. Among other things, I was Chair of the all-Indian Native American Community Organizational Training Center and a member of the 15 person Indian coordinating committee for the Great Lakes Indian Resource Development Program of Americans for Indian Opportunity: Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Our family was very active, too, socially and politically, in the American Indian Center which was going through a period of incredible and nationally known factionalism -- right to the brink and then everyone would pull back just in time and catch their breath. [Much of this, btw, had been caused by the Anthro department at University of Chicago.] 

I was always intrigued by observing how outwardly venomous combatants could be in our Indian Center disagreements and then [and regardless, too, of tribal background or blood degree or income levels] greet one another as long-lost friends indeed when surrounded by the harsh and alien realities in downtown Chicago. A much older Native mentor of mine, the late Bill Redcloud [Chippewa] and another older colleague, herself
a founder of the Center, and an enduring close friend to this moment, Susan K. Power [Standing Rock Sioux], both commented once that "The Whites, when disagreeing, so often try to completely destroy each other. We Indians usually stop long before that." Both Bill and Susan certainly recognized that there are exceptions to this -- but were talking about the general rule. 


We had all just come from a wedding where the offspring of one Indian Center factional leader married the offspring of another -- I was best man -- with a traditional religious leader blending his Native beliefs with a few Christian ones to perform the ceremony. A piano was played by a very leading factionalist who, at that point, had become enamored of fundamentalist Christianity and was a minister in the Moody Bible Institute
context. Everyone was together.

When the high factionalism of the Chicago Indian Center finally wound up as an election dispute in an Anglo court, a weary judge eventually ordered that each side select one Indian person -- just one -- who each side trusted and who was a full member of the Indian Center -- and that person would set up and carry out a new election. Each side turned and selected me. [I confess to having had some trepidation on that one -- but never displayed it, of course!] I constructed a long, high ballot box which was essentially clear plastic  so everyone could see the ballot go down and stay there.


When election time came, March 17 1973, I ordered every Anglo newsperson off Center property and I stayed by the Box from 8 am to 8 pm -- leaving only twice for the restroom and, then, leaving observers from all sides watching each other like the eagles they were. Each factional side fed me well. Some people came several hundred miles to vote. It was a wild and woolly election -- Indians who were quite low-income and some doing relatively well economically -- all clashing and then all gossiping congenially together.
The election, btw, was so honest our side lost. The Center pulled together -- as Indians always do -- and lived through all sorts of vicissitudes to survive to the present moment.
HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR/JOHN R SALTER JR] Mi'kmaq /
St. Francis Abenaki / St. Regis Mohawk
Member, National Writers Union AFL-CIO
Check out our massive social justice websitewww.hunterbear.org  The site is dedicated to our
one-half Bobcat, Cloudy Gray, and to Sky Gray:
http://hunterbear.org/cloudy_gray.htm
SHOOTING LUPUS --  Driving this oft-lethal deadly
disease of mine back into its genetic cave and into
impotency in an eight year war:
http://hunterbear.org/shooting_lupus.htm
See our very full COMMUNITY ORGANIZING
page -- with a great deal of practical material:
http://hunterbear.org/my_combined_community_organizing.htm
See my  new expanded/updated "Organizer's Book,"
JACKSON MISSISSIPPI -- with a new 10,000 word
introduction by me. This page lists many reviews.
And this book is also an activist's how-to manual:
 
http://hunterbear.org/jackson.htm  
The Stormy Adoption of an Indian Child [My Father]:http://hunterbear.org/James%20and%20Salter%20and%20Dad.htm:
(Photos
)

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Quick way to learn what happened to Emmett Till


Who Killed Emmett Till?

by Susan Klopfer

The Mississippi Delta is not a place I would have picked to live and if you had asked me a few years ago what I knew about the region, it would have been a puzzle since I knew nothing of its history or culture -- I'd never even heard of Emmett. But it did not take long to gather fascinating information about the story of this young man who was killed in the cotton hamlet of Money, Mississippi back in 1955.

His lynching, for whistling at a white woman, is legend. His act kicked off the modern civil rights movement. When people talk about Trayvon Martin, they sometimes compare these two stories. And there is reason why. 
What happened to cause a young African American student's lynching in the Mississippi Delta? When Emmett "BoBo" Till threatened Mississippi's rigid Jim Crow laws this fourteen-year-old paid with his life. Till's murderers were set free yet his death spurred Rosa Parks to take her important stand in Montgomery. By the time of this 58th anniversary, the case was finally reopened with new and intriguing information. 

How many people were involved? Who hid the killers overnight? Where is the first trial's transcript? Learn new facts on this and other Delta murders - Clinton Melton and his wife (1955)- he was shot, she was drowned; Jo Etha Collier(1955), gunned down on graduation night; attorney Cleve McDowell (1997), shot to death by a client? 

https://payhip.com/b/x9dV

This Emmett Till book gives readers a unique look at Mississippi's secret government agencies and its private white Citizens Councils that spied and did harm to those who fought segregation and more. It remains a murder mystery today.

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

Note to GOP: This is Not Your Hippy Mother’s Vagina!

REVIEW BY SUSAN KLOPFER
Author, speaker, blogger
Why do I keep thinking about grabbing my crotch? I guess it is a new fear-based reaction I'm having since the presidential primaries went south on sex, and I do not think I am alone. These Michael Jackson moments are brought to me because of the Grand Old Party, the same folks many of us have been fighting over sex and privacy since back in the 1960s…and 50s…and 20s…and…




Certainly, many of us remember The Vagina Monologues, those powerful and crusty episodic essays about a woman’s private parts and sexual experiences, first presented as a play in 1996. Every story falls back on The Vagina; all are short essays about love and rape, menstruation, female genital mutilation, masturbation, birth, topped off with a special monologue on The Big O. Lovingly and beautifully treated, frightening, refreshing, disgusting and witty, the entire package brought a big wink-wink from Off Broadway theatre when it opened.

After the excitement of Eve Ensler’s play about womanhood waned, most theatre lovers moved on, except for catching up with her yearly contributions that often focus on global women’s themes.

As women (and men, too) we were moving forward, especially in the hippy 60s when we were fighting for a myriad of civil rights and social justice, almost getting somewhere in this country’s rare dialogue on sexual honesty – we certainly never expected a giant rip to appear on the very most private part of our bodies, not in 2012, for God’s sake.

This new, jagged tear (requiring numerous stitches) comes directly from the Republicans, the GOP – the folks who brought us Rick Santorum, Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney, three white, foolish, men who honestly believe they should take over our our bodies!

Now, here comes a Brit to our rescue, and bless his soul! American/British journalist and author Denis G. Campbell, quite familiar with politics on both sides of the pond, is taking on the Grand Old Party, knowing that the GOP is shagging American women. Campbell is actually doing something about it, via The Vagina Wars, GOP’S War on Women.

His newest book explores what is going on over recent political attempts to undermine American women, and Campbell is quite serious in his observations. Sure, the British can be so very witty with their own sexual slang; consider words like sex on a stick (for sexually attractive, slim, woman), sex wee (semen), wabs (female breasts) and “vadge” for vagina. Even collecting a paycheck is “getting screwed” in Campbell’s world.

Despite the sophomoric humor, the UK still has it together when it comes to sex, especially for a country that is not really old enough to act like big brother to silly, sexually immature, American Republicans, who cannot talk for more than 30 seconds about responsible, safe sex or homosexuality without giggling—or making threats. 

We are talking maybe 300 years or so since England united with Scotland and only 200 or so years since the Brits united with Ireland. These are not particularly old, wise combined people. They simple are not frequently engaged in public political debate over a woman’s right to contraception, abortion, and doing kinky things in the bedroom.

What clicked for Campbell was recalling his experience as an audience member for playwright Ensler’s Monologues, before it was popular, and then returning home to the UK with a “better understanding of the pressure and pain” women face about sexuality and living. Going back home to “socialist Europe” – often “disdained” for issues from medical care to social contracts by the U.S. right, offered a teachable moment for this journalist.

Campbell remains struck by what he sees as the common sense and openness of thought in the UK over sex, compared to what one sees in the U.S. media and its coverage of “poisonous politics.”  We can learn from this outside observer who tells us to quit sticking our heads in the sand over sexual issues, and to recognize the mental and financial harm of maintaining an Ostrich in the sand view of sexuality.

Campbell in some ways writes like a modern social psychologist, opening up an honest, important dialogue often based on research, a media approach, which is needed here and now.

One might observe this British writer follows in the footsteps of brave Molly Pitcher, a somewhat unknown American woman who during the battle of Monmouth, midway through the Revolutionary War, brought water to the troops from a nearby spring, and then took over her husband’s place at a cannon when he was wounded
.  
Under fire, and losing men, the artillery unit was going to fall back until Molly Pitcher volunteered to bravely serve the cannon in her husband’s place. 

So, the Brit is coming and this time brave Denis G. Campbell brings us fresh water and helps us take up our cannons. From How Did The Culture War Get Here through topics including Supreme Court Appointments, ALEC…and the Very Bad Month, Which Mitt Romney Will Women Voters See, and Why a Man Wrote This Book, Campbell’s contribution is a must-read for those who want to understand the whys and where-fors of this current war, and what can be done to change the climate, once again.

Sensible men and sensible women will find this book an important read; silly men and silly women should read it too, because we must try to help the GOP to grow up and stay out of our private, sexual matters. White GOP men typically keep their affairs to themselves – out of the public’s eyes. (Maybe threat of exposure would keep them off our backs.)

Meanwhile, Campbell’s The Vagina Wars, GOP’S War on Women honors our brave, hippy mothers and so many others who have fought this war before. With solid information and encouragement, at least we have a fresh start.

Related Blogs:
Civil Rights and Social Justice News

Wednesday, January 25, 2012

Occupied: a new organizer's Bible could help the movement

The Occupy Movement, if it is to last, has serious issues regarding oranization. I would hope members pay heed to the following email that I have received from Hunter Bear, an experienced and well-known civil rights movement organizer. Hunter is most recently the author of Jackson, Mississippi (a true organizer's Bible).

Peace,

Susan Klopfer
Author, Who Killed Emmett Till, The Emmett Till Book, Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited.

--- --- --- --- --- --- ---
Susan:

If you know of people or groups who might benefit from this, please send it around. In the last several weeks, there've been a number of explicit indications of interest in effective and enduring community organizing. For years, I've had a long website page which discusses the art -- and it is an art -- of bona fide organizing. What follows is one part of that page -- its basic essence. And I give the Link to the full "course." I posted this in a number of quarters where interest is apparent, even high, and I'm now shooting it off in your direction with the hope that you can further its reach to any actively or potentially interested persons you may know. It is likely that, at some point, I'll expand this into a trenchant print entity of some sort. Until then, however, this extensive page does offer a good deal of down-to-earth, brass-tacks guidance. In other sections of our website, I have specific discussions of our various activist campaigns over several turbulent decades.

In Solidarity,

Hunter or John

______________________________

The time for effective community organizing is obviously NOW. This substantial excerpt from our very full page should be helpful. The full course is, http://hunterbear.org/my_combined_community_organizing.htm

(H.)

HERE ARE MY RELATED PIECES ON ORGANIZING.

FIRST, AMONG OTHER INTEGRAL AND RELATED DIMENSIONS, ARE:

1] Invitations to the Organizer from the grassroots -- spontaneous and
wrangled. Some can come to one's own sponsoring organization; some can
come directly to you if you are reasonably well known; or you can arrange
an invitation.

2] Issues: Some are readily apparent, some not always apparent -- e.g.,
economic relationships; some are immediately realistic with work and some
are futuristic; some are frankly unrealistic in the foreseeable future.

3] Planning philosophies: Top Down, vs Basic Grassroots Up [my preference]. Set forth general overall goals, long-range specific, short range specific. Heavy grassroots involvement here is always critical.

4] Credibility of project: Should be made up and led primarily by the
people for whose benefit it is launched: e.g., "those of the fewest
alternatives." Careful delineation and evaluation of active and potential
leaders is obviously critical. And often things start out with a steering
committee of leaders and then, after the organization has grown and more
people are actively involved, elections of regular officers.

5] Some people may want to move too fast and others too slowly. The
Organizer helps develop the group's tempo and assists grassroots leaders
and people in meeting those expectations.

6] Direct action: Always know First Amendment and related rights.
Picketing, sit-ins, boycotts, mass marches are extremely useful. And
there is always a need for careful organization and tactical nonviolence.
Direct action should be accompanied by judicious media coverage.

7] Media use: Has to be used carefully: national wire services; local
television, often with national hookups; local radio; local and regional
press; specialized press; news releases -- who, what, when, where, why and how; press conferences; leaflets with ALL pertinent information; newsletters; community newspapers; community cable TV; Internet. There is always a need for constantly updated media/contact lists.

8] Lawyers and litigation: Defensive and aggressive legal actions --
"criminal" and civil; local volunteers; paid lawyers; national
organizational attorneys -- e.g., ACLU, Lawyers Guild, Native American
Rights Fund. Some non-in-court matters can be handled very effectively by good law students.

9] Possible allies and political action: National organizations; and
government agencies [be careful]; political -- informal approaches and
quiet contacts; formal approaches and lobbying and direct requests;
electoral [voting]. DON'T GET CO-OPTED.

10] Power structure analysis: Check out Moody's industrials and
Standard and Poor's; and check out lawyers and their big business
connections in Martindale-Hubbell Law Directory, and see FindLaw.
Also see firms in U.S. Lawyer's Directory. City Directory will frequently
give the official occupation of people. See corporate profit and not for
profit charters at the state secretary of state's office and check out
annual registration of organizations from state attorney general or sometimes secretary of state. Data on charitable organizations can be found at state attorney general's office and county tax assessor. There are also various national and regional Who's Who and IRS and U.S. Government Organization Manual and Congressional Directory. DON'T NEGLECT HELPFUL NON-OFFICIAL GOSSIP.

11] Coalitions [tend to be long term] and alliances [often shorter term]
are sometimes beneficial and sometimes not. Consider all of this
carefully and try to avoid precipitous marriages.

12] Although no Organizer -- whether from the "outside" or the "inside" --
will ever have full consensus from the community, he or she must avoid the
temptation to be a "Lone Ranger." That role can be temporarily justified
only in cases of extreme grassroots fear or heavy factionalism.
[Hunter Bear]
____________________________________________________________________________


JUST WHAT MAKES A DAMN GOOD COMMUNITY ORGANIZER? BASED ON MY 50 YEARS OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZING HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR] 12/30/03


[Published in the Spring 2004 issue of Independent Politics News And
Published In Oregon Socialist, Winter/Spring 2004 -- and much more.]

I'm an Organizer, a damn good one. I get and keep people together for
social justice action. I've been an Organizer for virtually half a
century -- all over much of what's called the United States. [I've also
been, among other things, a fur trapper, forest fire fighter, soldier,
prospector, metal [development] miner, minority hiring and training
consultant, college/university professor, writer.]

But my vocation is Organizer. I've done it full time for many years indeed.
And then, in conjunction with other jobs, I've always continued to
organize, somewhere and somehow.

What follows here is my essentially outline conception of the
characteristics and qualities of a good and effective Organizer who is
genuinely on the grassroots job. That can be a union local; a temporary
single-issue effort; permanent single-issue; permanent multi-issue;
coalition. It can sometimes be a specialized service center -- which itself
some way grows out of a community organization. A Movement is a transcendent widespread feeling, visionary, fueled by many local organizational efforts -- and it, in turn, inspires many local efforts.

Assembling my scattered notes on the matter a few days ago, I spent some
very early morning hours today [I rise about 3:30 am] sketching this out on
one of my traditional yellow tablets.

____________________________________________________________________________
_______

1] The Organizer should be at least bright -- alert and sparky. And
hopefully, be intelligent in a depthy and lofty sense -- which characterizes
most organizers who really stick with it over the long pull.

2] The Organizer should be relatively "pure" in the moral sense. But not
too pure -- because no one, anywhere, wants a sanctimonious conscience
hovering about. Set a good personal example. Do your recreational thing
away from the project. Wherever you are, avoid all drugs and go easy on
alcohol [if you are even into that sensitivity-dulling stuff.] Remember the
old labor adage: "You can't fight booze and the boss at the same time."
Always a special target, the organizer has to be aware of the consistent
danger of frame-ups.

3] The Organizer has to be a person who is thoroughly ethical and
honorable. Among other things, this means fiscal honesty [as soon as
possible and whenever feasible, a local committee made up of grassroots
people should handle the financial end of things]. And it also means
avoiding any hint of co-optation by the Adversary. The Organizer should
always have at least a representative group of the grassroots people present when meeting with the Other Side -- unless local people clearly approve a unilateral approach.

4] Formal academic training in the higher ed sense can certainly be useful
to any Organizer [or, as far as that goes, for anyone] -- but it isn't
absolutely critical. The Organizer, among other attributes, should be fully
literate [including computer literate], with finely tuned sensitivities,
with one hell of a lot of good sense. And almost anyone can do much
self-teaching.

Race and social class factors are not usually critical for a good
Organizer. [I'm a Native American who has worked comfortably with Indians of many tribes, Chicanos, Southern and Northern Blacks, Puerto Ricans, low-income Anglos. I've also never pretended to have proletarian origins.]

In a word, be sensitive -- but be yourself.

5] The Organizer absolutely has to be a person who can communicate clearly and well. Often, this can mean teaching -- without necessarily appearing to do so [many people really don't like a teacher.]
And communication, of course, involves one - to - one on a face - to - face
basis, e-mail, phone calls, news announcements and press conferences, mass meetings -- and much more indeed. It can also involve an Organizer helping people with their own unique individual/family problems. And that can help not only the person but will strengthen the overall effort.

6] The good Organizer will have some sort of altruistic ideology: couched
as an integrated, cogent set of beliefs embodying goals and tactics. After
that, there are several choices:

A] The Organizer can be passive; and the grassroots people can be
the ones who make the goals and the tactics. Not so hot.

B] The Organizer can impose a specific ideology -- including
goals and tactics. Not so hot, either.

C] The Organizer can convey a general ideological perspective
which the grassroots people can take or not take. They are not going to
want to feel pushed or hammered into things, but they'll usually take it --
especially if it's sensibly and sensitively "sold". They certainly may want
some time -- and should have it -- to think it all over. And, soon enough,
together the organizer and the people can develop solid goals and effective tactics. Remember, the organizer brings gifts and élan -- and the grassroots provides at least most of the reality.

7] The Organizer must have a genuinely powerful and enduring commitment. This has to involve a deep belief -- a very real belief -- in the People and the Cause. The Organizer has to be able to recognize potential
leaders -- and to involve all of the people. Virtually everyone has
something of substantial significance to contribute. The organizer gives
ideas -- but it's ultimately up to the people whom the organizer should
never manipulate. Bona fide organizing [not service center stuff] is about
the hardest work there is. A good Organizer is literally wedded to the
campaign all the way through.

8] The Organizer has to have a healthy but controllable ego -- with a
strong sense of destiny.

9] And any really healthy grassroots organizing campaign has to have a
Vision -- one that is two dimensional: Over The Mountain Yonder, and the
Day - To - Day needs. As I have indicated, a movement which, among other
things, is characterized by an idea whose time has come, is a broad-based
cause growing out of local community organizational efforts -- in turn
inspiring and stimulating new community-based thrusts. To become a bona fide movement, there absolutely has to be the two-dimensional ethos and active life. But the purely local effort has to have the same two dimensional
ingredients, whether it's part of a movement or by itself.

[Something with vision only can easily wind up a small, in-grown sect;
and something that's only day - to -day can become a tired service program. And when an organization has lost its way, factionalism is a sure thing along with the withdrawal of the local people.]

A good Organizer's role in all of this vision-building is extremely
critical -- especially at the outset. But it's also critical all the way
through in conjunction with the growing awareness of the grassroots people. The two-dimensional vision -- Over The Mountain and Day - To -Day -- is the shiny idea that makes people part of a crusade and sometimes a truly great one. It all gives meaning to life. And sometimes, if necessary, one will die for it. Each of these two dimensions stimulates and feeds the other. A good and truly effective Organizer absolutely has to show this
interconnection.

10] An Organizer definitely has to be a person with a tough hide -- not
deterred by cruel name-calling, physical beatings, or forced out of the game by injuring bullets or other bloody efforts. The organizer has to be a person of physical courage. And an Organizer also has to have the courage
to take unpopular stands within the developing grassroots effort.

11] And an Organizer cannot live materially in the pretentious sense.
Solidarity -- and also sacrifice!

Semper Fi -

HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR] Micmac/St Francis Abenaki/St Regis Mohawk

In the mountains of Eastern Idaho
www.hunterbear.org

COMMUNITY ORGANIZING PRINCIPLES -- OR, GETTING PRACTICAL [REVISED DECEMBER 25 2003] BASED ON MY 50 YEARS OF ORGANIZING EXPERIENCE. HUNTER GRAY/JOHN R
SALTER, JR

[PUBLISHED IN OREGON SOCIALIST WINTER/SPRING 2004
WITH NEW MATERIAL 8/25/04 -- AND IN OTHER PUBLICATIONS AS WELL.]

Missing -- way too often -- in radical and general social justice circles
and related settings is a willingness to get down into the grassroots and
engage systematically in some of the most challenging work there is:
organizing the grassroots into genuinely effective and enduring outfits.
That's Genesis in the Save the World Business. It's often far too easy to
engage in essentially empty "jaw-smithing." Fortunately, there are always
those -- Organizers and grassroots people -- who are willing to do the
really tedious and tough organizing work over the long pull. Those who are
reasonably experienced have their own particular approaches.

Here are my own basic ones:

These 17 essential organizing principles were created formally by me in
early September 1963, after what had already been a number of years of
successful social justice organizing -- and then modified and supplemented
a bit over many decades of grassroots organizing campaigns. Now I've
transcribed them yet again -- with some changes -- on December 25 2003.
They are part of a considerably larger work that I also wrote in September
1963 -- "Organizing the Community for Action." This was initially about six
tightly packed single-spaced legal size pages. I made several dozen
mimeographed copies and sent them around -- and they were well received. I continued to expand and polish up all of this and used "Organizing" and my following 17 component principles many, many dozens of times in organizing campaigns, including -- among other dimensions -- struggles, organizing staff and grassroots training capacities, conferences, and university classes. By this time, my little manual itself had grown to nine tightly packed and single-spaced legal size pages. Copies of all versions of "Organizing the Community for Action" are in my collected [Salter/Gray] papers at State Historical Society of Wisconsin and Mississippi Department of Archives and History. The basically full ones began in March, 1965 and August, 1966. In addition, I have copies of all of these editions of mine right here in Idaho.

I'm presently rewriting parts of "Organizing the Community for Action" --
streamlining and updating -- and we are right now discussing the 17
principles themselves here in the Pocatello region as we get set for some
anti-racist action.

The following applies primarily to organizing staff and broad-based
grassroots community organizations. But they can also apply
substantially -- with only a very few changes -- to other types of outfits:
e.g., local union organizations.

Anyway -

1] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is
significant in size and composed primarily, if not completely, of those
people "with the fewest alternatives".

2] The Organizers should insure that active and potential community
leadership is developed in such a fashion that the organization is led
primarily, if not completely, by those people with the fewest alternatives.

3] The Organizers should insure that the organization functions
democratically, and not in an authoritarian fashion and that, among other
things, formal rules of democratic procedure are established and followed
and that widespread grassroots participation and decision-making in the
affairs of the community organization is a continuing fact; and that there
is ever developing local leadership. The executive and public meetings
should be well attended and organizers must insure that an atmosphere exists in which the individual at the grassroots feels -- as is genuinely the case --that he/she is an individual; that his/her active participation in
the organization is needed and welcomed; that right from the very beginning, he/she can make their voice and presence felt within the organization; and that, as the group's endeavors advance, winning victories, his/her power and ability to affect those forces out in the problematic/crisis environment and beyond, which have been affecting his/her life, will be steadily and proportionately increased.

4] The Organizers should insure that the youth are involved in the affairs
of the community organization -- either within it and with leadership
participation, or in a parallel and cooperative youth group of their own.

5] The Organizers should insure that the community organization, right from the beginning, is characterized by maximum autonomy.

6] Although the initial formation of the community organization may be
around one paramount and pressing local issue, the Organizers -- not through rigid superimposition but through diplomatic and effective teaching -- should insure that, in the interests of the community organization's longevity and effectiveness, the leaders and membership of the group become aware of all issues directly and indirectly affecting them. The Organizers should insure, therefore, that the community organization functions on a multi-issue basis whenever possible.

7] The Organizers should insure that, prior to reaching a decision on a
particular course of action, the community organization is aware of all
relevant tactical approaches and the various ramifications of each.

8] The Organizers should insure that the leaders of the community
organization can effectively handle the matter of publicity.

9] The Organizers should insure that the community organization can
effectively handle the raising and administration of funds -- including,
when applicable, the preparation of funding proposals, the negotiation of
such, and the effective administration of the money received.

10] The Organizers should insure that the community organization becomes
connected with various relevant public and private agencies and is able to
negotiate and secure the necessary services from those agencies without
surrendering its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.

11] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is able
to function politically in a realistic and sophisticated fashion without
surrendering its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.
12] The organizers should insure that the community organization can
utilize the services of professionals without becoming dominated by such.

13] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is able
to enter into functional alliances with other groups without surrendering
its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.

14] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is aware
of the use of effective and rational protest demonstrations and, further,
that it is fully cognizant of the merits of tactical nonviolence.

15] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is aware
of the effective use of legal action approaches and is aware of public and
private legal resources.

16] The Organizers should build a sense of the oft-visionary and just
world of a full measure of bread-and butter and a full measure of
freedom -- and how all of this relates to the shorter term steps.

17] The Organizers, who at the outset may well play a very key role in the
function and affairs of the community organization, must, on a step-by-step
and essentially pragmatic basis, shift increasing responsibility to the
leaders and membership of the group, to eventually:

A] First, insure that the community organization can function effectively
with only occasional involvement by Organizers.

B] And then, that the community organization can function effectively
with no involvement by Organizers to the point that, in addition to
conducting its regular affairs, the group can "organize on its
own" --bringing in new constituents and/or assisting other grassroots people in adjoining areas in setting up and conducting their own community organizations.

I'm an Organizer -- a working social justice agitator. I've been one since
the mid-1950s and I'll always be one. In many respects, it's one of the
toughest trails anyone could ever blaze.

An effective Organizer seeks to get grassroots people together -- and does;
develops on-going and genuinely democratic local leadership; deals
effectively with grievances and individual/family concerns; works with the
people to achieve basic organizational goals and develop new ones; and
builds a sense of the New World To Come Over The Mountains Yonder -- and how all of that relates to the shorter term steps.

An effective Organizer has to be a person of integrity, courage, commitment.
And a person of solidarity and sacrifice.

The satisfactions are enormous.

HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR/JOHN R SALTER JR] Mi'kmaq /St. Francis
Abenaki/St. Regis Mohawk
Protected by Na´shdo´i´ba´i´
and Ohkwari'
www.hunterbear.org
(much social justice material)

See the Stormy Adoption of an Indian Child [My Father]:
http://hunterbear.org/James%20and%20Salter%20and%20Dad.htm

For the new, just out (11/2011) and expanded/updated
edition of my "Organizer's Book," JACKSON MISSISSIPPI --
with a new and substantial Introduction by me:
http://hunterbear.org/jackson.htm

Personal Background Narrative (with many links):
http://hunterbear.org/narrative.htm

Friday, January 06, 2012

What? You haven't read Howard Zinn? Take a look for yourself and see why he is a favorite author

"Social movements may have many 'defeats'-failing to achieve objectives in the short run-but in the course of the struggle the strength of the old order begins to erode, the minds of people begin to change; the protesters are momentarily defeated but not crushed, and have been lifted, heartened, by their ability to fight back."

- Howard Zinn






Wednesday, September 21, 2011

When Mississippi Does it Right -- Aaron Henry: A Civil Rights Leader of the 20th Century

Aaron Henry, civil rights leader


Kudos to the Mississippi Historical Society for the beautiful piece written on civil rights leader, Aaron Henry (by Constance Curry, who with Aaron Henry wrote The Fire Ever Burning. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2000.)

Aaron Henry’s Fourth Street Drug Store, which opened in 1950 in Clarksdale, became a hub for political and civil rights planning for three decades. Aaron Henry Papers, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 90.24, Box 144, Folder 4.

Writes Curry
-- Aaron Henry was born in 1922 in Coahoma County, Mississippi, the son of sharecroppers. From a young age, he worked in the cotton fields alongside his family on the Flowers Plantation outside of Clarksdale. He remembered those years vividly when he recalled,

“As far back as I can remember, I have detested everything about growing cotton.” Regardless of his early hardships, education was a priority for ...

Continued --

Monday, August 08, 2011

The Help's Viola Davis Says She Based Her Character 'Very Loosely' on Fannie Lou Hamer; Not!

Hollywood movies try to turn real events during the civil rights movment into 'feel-good' films.

In The Help, a much publicized film that focuses on the modern civil rights movement, Viola Davis, a Juilliard-trained actor best known for her Oscar-nominated role opposite Meryl Streep in "Doubt" (and for her stage work, for which she has won two Tony Awards), plays Aibileen, a maid in early-'60s Jacksonville, Miss.














Fannie Lou Hamer, revered civil rights activist from Mississippi. (Image may be subject to copyright.)

The maid quietly endures her employer's racist remarks and casual cruelty — only to go home and write down her thoughts in a journal.

Davis, who apparently knows little about modern civil rights history, is saying she based the character, "very, very loosely," on civil-rights activist Fannie Lou Hamer. "She was born the same year as Aibileen, in Mississippi."

Slow down, Hollywood. This statement is simply insulting.

Being born in the same year is all that Davis has going for her, when making this comparison to one of the world's most admired civil rights heroes and social activists Mississippi ever produced.

Fannie Lou Hamer was no one's quiet maid who spent the evening writing down her thoughts in a journal. She had thoughts, all right, and shared them with anyone she chose, including the President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson.

To understand and appreciate Hamer, one has to know from whence she came –

Born October 6, 1917, in Montgomery County, Mississippi, she was the granddaughter of a slave and the youngest of 20 children. Her parents were sharecroppers in this region of the Mississippi Delta, participants in a system of farming that allowed workers to live on a plantation in return for working the land. When the crop is harvested, they split the profits in half with the plantation owner, giving the system another name -- halving. Sometimes the owner paid for the seed and fertilizer, but usually the sharecropper paid those expenses out of his half. It is a hard way to make a living and sharecroppers generally were born poor, lived and died poor.

In my book, Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited, I wrote this about Hamer:

A wise civil rights leader, singer and storyteller, Hamer often told how her family stayed alive during the hardest years.

In winter months, Hamer and her siblings followed their mother from plantation to plantation asking landowners for leftover cotton, the "scrappin' cotton. When the family gathered enough cotton for a bale, these bits of scrap were sold to buy food. On those treks "[Mother] always tied our feet up with rags because the ground would be froze real hard," Hamer in 1967 wrote in her short autobiography, To Praise Our Bridges.

Music was tied to survival during these treks and Hamer became well known years later for comforting others with her gospel singing - especially during some of the most difficult moments in the Movement when people were beaten and jailed.

When young civil rights workers later moved into Sunflower County many quickly discovered that Hamer had a "unique ability to define the problems that affected African Americans in the Delta in their own vernacular," wrote J. Moye in Let the People Decide.

Hamer was "a leader waiting for a movement [who] believed deeply in the promise of the Bible and in the promise of the United States of America."

In the early 1960s, as the modern civil rights movement progressed, there were predictions of wholesale starvation in the Delta as government commodities were being withheld from sharecroppers during winter or non-working months. Mothers about to give birth were particularly concerned about the consequences.

It was Hamer who pointed out the labor and sweat of blacks that had "made them white folks creamy rich," concluding, "There's so much hate. Only God has kept the Negro sane."

On June 11, 1963, a message came into the Greenwood Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) office that a group of eight freedom workers - Hamer, along with June Johnson, Annelle Ponder, Euvester Simpson, Rosemary Freeman, Lawrence Guyot, James Wes, and Ruth Day - had been arrested and beaten by Winona jailers in Montgomery County for integrating the white waiting room of the bus station in Winona upon returning from a training session in South Carolina on June 9, 1963.

SNCC leader Bob Moses led a group of volunteers that night to Winona. Though she could hardly talk, Annelle Ponder whispered, "Freedom," when she saw her friends, wrote Cat Holland who observed that June Johnson's face was "so smashed and bloody I didn't recognize her."

Then Holland recognized Hamer, who "took her hand and ran it over her lumpy, bruised flesh," while telling her what happened. Holland wrote of her conversation with a police officer:

"Why y'all beat 'em like this?" I asked the policeman, who stood by leering.
"We kin give you some of the same thing," he said.
"Don't say nothing, Ida," Miss Hamer said. "You go back an' tell the others."

Hamer, Others Protest in Chicago

Mississippi's conservative "blue dog Democrats" in 1964 threatened to support Republican Barry Goldwater. The state party's leaders predictably kept out all black participation in primaries or conventions.

So the black-led Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) decided to become active in the state's official Democratic Party and to steer the party to support Johnson for President.

While the regular Democrats were sending a "hand-picked delegation to Chicago with only two token Negro delegates, although Negroes constituted 40 percent of 240,000 of the registered voters in Mississippi," MFDP members decided they, alone, should represent the state at the upcoming party convention, and Hamer was part of this group.

Aaron Henry, a Delta leader from Clarksdale and friend of Hamer's, appealed for $30,000 to support the Loyal Democrats of Mississippi, a bi-racial coalition made up of the MFDP, NAACP of Mississippi, the state Teacher's Association, the Mississippi AFL-CIO and the Young Democrats.

The coalition's purpose would be to appear before the Credential Committee of the Democratic National convention on August 26 to prove discrimination by the regular Democratic Party of Mississippi.

The secretary of state, however, refused permission to register MFDP because "there was already a Democratic political party in the state," even though Mississippi Democrats failed to support the national party's presidential candidate in the previous 1960 elections.

Whites did not take the MFDP very seriously and it was sometimes the target of editorial "humor." The state's spy agency, the Sovereignty Commission, meanwhile, had collected nearly 1000 files on the political organization including newsletters, membership lists, meeting announcements and notes, as well as commentaries from the Commission's investigators.

Then on August 12, an injunction was issued ordering all MFDP officials not to leave the state and go to Atlantic City for the convention. Also prohibited was engagement by the leader in any further MFDP activity. MFDP filed suit in federal court asking that more than a dozen of Mississippi's segregation laws be invalidated, taking advantage of the new Civil Rights Act legislation and causing a cloud of last-minute confusion as the group made haste for New Jersey.

Once they arrived, national Democratic Party leaders fell through in support of this unique group from Mississippi and were not prepared to greet MFDP's 64 delegates with open arms.

President Lyndon Johnson did not want bitter debates initiated, even if the regular Mississippi Democrats were supporting Goldwater instead of him.

Johnson and party liberals had campaigned on the basis of their civil rights "successes" and even though the Southern state party structures completely excluded African Americans, Democrats did not want this practice disrupted, fearing they would lose the support of Southern states.

But Fannie Lou Hamer added heat to the convention when she spoke before the Credentials Committee of the Democratic National Convention, telling the horrifying story of her attempts to register to vote in Sunflower County, including the beating she received in Winona.

Lyndon Johnson, concerned over the attention paid to MFDP and the fight for credentials, gave notice that he wanted to deliver a special televised speech on an unrelated topic, as Hamer was speaking.

News networks recognized the public's interest in Hamer and played her entire speech on the evening news, giving even more airtime than she would have received:
Hamer's unforgettable August 22, 1964 testimony would go down in civil rights history:

"In June the 9th, 1963, I had attended a voter registration workshop, was returning back to Mississippi. Ten of us was traveling by the Continental Trailways bus. When we got to Winona ... four people that had gone in to use the restaurant was ordered out. During this time I was on the bus. But when I looked through the window and saw they had rushed out I got off of the bus to see what had happened, and one of the ladies said, "It was a State Highway Patrolman and a Chief of Police ordered us out."

"...I was carried to the county jail, and put in the booking room. They left some of the people in the booking room and began to place us in cells. I was placed in a cell with a young woman called Miss [Euvester] Simpson. After I was placed in the cell I began to hear the sounds of kicks and screams. I could hear somebody say, "Can you say, yes, sir, nigger? Can you say yes, sir?"

" ... They beat her, I don't know how long, and after a while she began to pray, and asked God to have mercy on those people. And it wasn't too long before three white men came to my cell. One of these men was a State Highway Patrolman and he ... said, "You are from Ruleville all right," and he used a curse word, and he said, "We are going to make you wish you was dead."

" ... The first Negro prisoner ordered me, by orders from the State Highway Patrolman for me, to lay down on a bunk bed on my face, and I laid on my face. The first Negro began to beat ... until he was exhausted, and I was holding my hands behind me at that time on my left side because I suffered from polio when I was six years old. After the first Negro had beat until he was exhausted the State Highway Patrolman ordered the second Negro to take the blackjack.

"The second Negro began to beat and I began to work my feet, and the State Highway Patrolman ordered the first Negro who had beat me to set on my feet to keep me from working my feet. I began to scream and one white man got up and began to beat me in my head and tell me to hush ... I was in jail when Medgar Evers was murdered."

Historians would later write that Johnson told Hubert Humphrey to "crush the rebellion" and get the MFDP off the front pages, or Humphrey could give up on the idea of ever becoming vice-president. Humphrey instructed fellow Minnesotan and future Vice President Walter Mondale to "suppress the MFDP by any means necessary" and this was accomplished through secret meetings, and false statements, and by using information on the MFDP's strategy gathered from FBI informants.

Johnson, Humphrey, and Mondale finally offered MFDP to seat two at-large delegates to be selected by Johnson (to ensure Humphrey that Hamer would not be selected). MFDP delegates refused the compromise. Humphrey reportedly pleaded with Hamer (whom he reportedly found "distasteful" because she was poor and uneducated) to accept the compromise so he could become vice president and push civil rights.

Mississippian Rev. Ed King, also a delegate, years later told how Hamer expressed no sympathy for Humphrey's dilemma:

"Senator Humphrey. I know lots of people in Mississippi who have lost their jobs for trying to register to vote. I had to leave the plantation where I worked in Sunflower County. Now if you lose this job of vice president because you do what is right, because you help the MFDP, everything will be all right. God will take care of you. But if you take it this way, why, you will never be able to do any good for civil rights, for poor people, for peace, or any of those things you talk about."

In December 1964, MFDP tried to halt seating of Mississippi's white Congressmen who gained their seats in racially rigged elections by filing a notice of contest. MFDP claimed that Annie Devine, Victoria Gray and Fannie Lou Hamer, three MFDP Congressional candidates who ran in the freedom vote after being kept off the official ballot, were entitled to seats in their respective districts.

Congress would not budge. Civil rights groups including SNCC, CORE, SCLC and Americans for Democratic Action endorsed the challenge but ADA would not support the seating of the three women.

The national media also rejected seating of the three candidates; hence the Freedom Democratic Party backed down from supporting the three, but continued the seating challenge.

In January, 600 black Mississippians attending the opening ceremony of the 1965 session to lobby against seating of the Mississippi delegation, and more than one third of House members agreed, voting to bar the official Mississippian delegation.
Hamer had helped make their case.

Hamer Made Impact, Julian Bond Said

Long after the conflicts faded from national news coverage, Fannie Lou Hamer was acting on her dream of an ideal community and in 1970, formed the Freedom Farm Cooperative to help displaced farm workers become self-reliant.

At its zenith, the cooperative owned 680 acres of land devoted to cotton production, 200 units of low-income housing, day care center, and a small manufacturing plant.
When Hamer died in 1977, penniless, and ill from the beatings she had received, Georgia state legislator and SNCC representative Julian Bond spoke at her funeral, noting that Fannie Lou Hamer was "the articulator for the Southern movement to continue to fight long after SNCC's summer soldiers abandoned Ruleville and the rural South, shell shocked by too much of what was daily life for her."

Hamer's impact upon African Americans, the labor and women's movements, was impressive, Bond said.

"She and her co-workers taught a powerful lesson to those now facing the rapid dismantling of the formal structure of African American progress, the rise of widespread racist terrorism, and the intensification of economic exploitation."

Fannie Lou Hamer was not a person to journal her thoughts.

And Davis's character isn't close to this incredible woman from Mississippi.

Not close at all.
* * * * *

For many people, this is the only film they will ever see that has anything to do with the modern civil rights movement in Mississippi. They will leave with no idea of the utter violence and heroism that defines this period. I am concerned, for instance, when I hear the name of Fannie Lou Hamer being bantied about, as a model for the maid character. It is a shame, that when African Americans are offered an opportunity to work, it is for a film that doesn't represent the true pain and nobility of this movement that was so critical to our country.

We need some real history taught by films and books before moving into feel good movies about Mississippi's ghosts. Especially when in today's papers, we still read about white teens in Jackson killing an innocent black man -- for fun.

Saturday, July 30, 2011

New book looks at Greensboro’s role in The Civil Rights movement

New book looks at Greensboro’s role in The Civil Rights movement
by Chantelle Grady
Carolina Peacemaker
Originally posted 7/29/2011

At the International Civil Rights Center and Museum on July 23, Greensboro’s role in the nation’s Civil Rights movement was the topic of a panel discussion which featured a new book by author Eugene Pfaff.

Pfaff’s new book is “Keep On Walkin’, Keep On Talkin’: An Oral History of the Greensboro Movement.” It was used as a springboard for dialogue on the city’s involvement in the quest for equality. His fellow panelists were author and former News & Record columnist, Jim Schlosser and author and Bennett college English professor, Dr. Linda Brown. Brown also served as panel moderator.

The three shared their observations on how Greensboro has changed since the Civil Rights era. They all agreed a lot has been accomplished, but the city still faces major challenges in regards to equal rights. “The thing that strikes me now,” Schlosser said, “is how absurd segregation was.” He believes it actually held the city’s economic growth back. He also said he still hears racist comments from various people.

Dr. Brown stated that many people participated in the plight for success in Greensboro, not just the ones whose names made headlines. “There’s work that happens in movements…invisible work,” she said about those whose efforts will rarely- if ever- get due credit. She also spoke about Bennett College’s tradition of fighting for social justice, which dates back many years prior to the Greensboro Sit-Ins. Brown’s aunt, Dr. Willa Player, was Bennett’s president during the Sit-Ins and did not deter her students’ participation. Rather, Dr. Player encouraged them to take a stand for what was right.

Author Eugene Pfaff said that while conducting interviews for his book, he was told: “This is a nice-nasty town.” Audience members could be heard saying ‘uh-huh,’ and nodded their heads at the comment. Pfaff took this to mean that, “There was a veneer of civility,” that disguised prejudice. “I believe it is now much better, due to the empowerment of the African American community,” he added. Jim Schlosser qualified that statement when he said, “Greensboro has always been very image conscious.” He went on to say that, “Greensboro, to this day, still worries about its image and rightfully so.”

Linda Brown stressed that, in the African American community, it was understood that folk had to fight for everything they got. She also said that there is still a level of resistance to full equality, although it doesn’t always come in the form of hate groups. There are those in certain positions who don’t want to cede any amount of power. “You can’t have equality, and hold on to all the power at the same time,” Brown said.

Compared to the 1960s or earlier, most of the panel believes that African Americans have something they did not have then. “I believe that one thing that is working in the favor of African Americans today, is legislation,” Pfaff said. He continued by saying that those hard-won battles still need to be defended. Schlosser said, “There’s just no way we can go backwards. I don’t think anyone wants to.” Schlosser said that African Americans have a seat at the table of power.

The panelists voiced that more needs to be done and that there will always be a group that will have to rise up against inequality or as Schlosser put it: “I don’t think there will be a day where we declare victory and say that equality is here.”

Wednesday, July 20, 2011

CIVIL LIBERTIES Metropolitan Books / By James Peck

Posted today on AlterNet --


"Are Your Humanitarian Heartstrings Being Tugged in the Name of Empire?"


Print Version

"Author James Peck's new book 'Ideal Illusions' challenges our basic assumptions about the universal crusade for human rights..."





Kindle Version












"These stories of human rights tragedies exploit our best aspirations in the name of the American imperial project, and the US has been funding this approach since the dawn of the Cold War. The media effect of filling a newspaper with human rights atrocities from the developing world functions to distract the audience from strategic and mineral designs the US and its allies have going in those countries, and to dilute the news coverage when their true aims come to light. The takeaway is that empire is the domain of storytellers as much as it is of Air Force generals."

Tuesday, June 07, 2011

Friends, Family Pay Tribute to Wayne Greenhaw, Noted Civil Rights Author

Alvin Benn, Montgomery Advertiser writes ...
One of Alabama's most pro­lific writers, Greenhaw com­pleted 22 books and was work­ing on another when he died. Flynt traced Greenhaw's back­ground, from his difficult child­hood in which he suffered from polio and his recuperative peri­od that "drove him into an imaginary world of books."


After a part-time job as a sports reporter for the Tusca­loosa News, Greenhaw found his calling when he hit the journalistic jackpot at the Alabama Journal, where he had a chance to record histo­ry on almost a daily basis.

"History could hardly have placed him in a better locale at a more important time with so astounding a cast of characters," said Flynt, who then rattled off the names of newsmakers such as George Wallace, Rosa Parks, Ralph Abernathy, Fred Gray and many more. Greenhaw ar­rived in Montgomery at a time when terrorists were bombing homes and church­es, and there were brutal ra­cial murders and compliant city and state officials. Regu­lar Ku Klux Klan and White Citizens Council rallies fre­quently made news, "and he reported it," Flynt said.
Read more --

Tuesday, July 20, 2010

Diversity in the Workplace; Free Online Workshop Announced

I'm presenting a free 30-minute online workshop on Five Costly Diversity Mistakes Companies Make -- And How to Avoid Them set for Tuesday, July 27 at 2 p.m. Bloggers are invited.

All participants will receive a special bonus offer for attending, valued at $500. To register, go to https://www1.gotomeeting.com/register/265131664. Hope to "see" you there. -- Susan

Friday, May 07, 2010

New E-Book: Black Power: Strategies for Achieving and Utilizing Power in America

What is power, and why don’t Blacks in America have it? African Americans asked for it in the 50’s. They demanded it in the 60’s. It’s now the 21 century and it still hasn’t been achieved. Yes a few Blacks are on TV, and many have good paying jobs; yet the vast majority of Blacks are as bad off now as they’ve ever been.

Ebook By Michael Townsend
Published By Mikaeel Abdul-Malik
Rating: Not yet rated.
Published: Apr. 25, 2010
Category: Non-Fiction » Psychology » History
Category: Non-Fiction » Politics and Current Affairs » Civil and human rights
Words: 28101 (approximate)
Language: English

Link to Publisher

Monday, April 12, 2010

Life Under Slavery: Autobiographies of Three American Slaves


Life Under Slavery: Autobiographies of Three American Slaves

Ebook Price: $9.99 USD. 153390 words. Non-Fiction by Lenny Flank on November 10, 2009

Autoibiographies of three pre-Civil War African-American slaves."Northerners know nothing at all about Slavery. They think it is perpetual bondage only. They have no conception of the depth of degradation involved in that word, slavery; if they had, they would never cease their efforts until so horrible a system was overthrown."

Link for more information and/or to order

Saturday, February 27, 2010

Civil Rights Book: W.E.B. DuBois

Writings From WEB DuBois: Selected Writings from one of America's Most Famous African-American Fighters for Civil Rights and Black Equality
Ebook By Lenny Flank
Rating: Not yet rated.
Published: Nov. 21, 2009
Category: Non-Fiction » History » American
Words: 130122 (approximate)
Author lets you download a free sample.

More Information:
* * *
Bookmark and Share

Wednesday, September 26, 2007

Civil Rights Struggle Recalled by Mississippian

Silver Rights


By WES HELBLING
Published: Tuesday, September 25, 2007 3:27 PM CDT

Gloria [Carter] Dickerson was 12 years old when she paused from her back breaking labor in a Mississippi cotton field and questioned whether God had put her on the earth to do better things. Little did she know of the historic role her family was to play in the struggle for integration of southern schools.

Born into an impoverished, sharecropping family in Drew, Miss., Dickerson is now coordinator for the Mid South Delta Initiative (MSDI), which distributes grants fostering economic development in rural communities along the Mississippi River. Invited by the Morehouse Dream Pioneers and New Philadelphia Church to speak in Collinston on Saturday, the story Dickerson told is as inspiring as it is searing.

-----
Dickerson's family's historic struggle was told in the 1995 book "Silver Rights" by Constance Curry


-----

News Story Continued ..

Tuesday, July 24, 2007

Monday, July 16, 2007

'Missing Pages' .. Pioneering Black Journalists of Modern America

NONFICTION
Pioneering black journalists tell of early days in history
Missing Pages Edited by Wallace Terry, Carroll and Graf, 375 pp., $16.95

Not so long ago, the American media carried the battle for a racially integrated South onto the front page and into America's living rooms.

Still, newspapers, television and radio in the North and South often were no more open to blacks in the 1950s than a whites-only Southern diner, according to "Missing Pages: Black Journalists of Modern America, An Oral History."

With few exceptions, newsrooms and broadcast studios were resolutely white and male, and determined to stay that way. Max Robinson's television boss in Virginia refused to show his face while he read the news in 1959. He later became the first black anchorman at ABC.


Story Continued--

Monday, June 18, 2007

Striggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi: Dittmer, et. al.

Archives 1996
From the 1996 Archives of
Black Issues In Higher Education

Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi.
- book reviews

by Julian Bond

Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi by John Dittmer Univ. of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois, 1994. $29.95 hard, $14.95 paper

These three excellent books represent a developing and welcome trend in civil rights historiography.

Previous histories have described the modern-day 20th-century civil rights movement from the top down -- as a story whose main characters are Martin Luther King, Jr., and Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Most have also described the development of the movement within a restricted time line -- from the 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education and the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott that introduced King and his espousal of nonviolent resistance to the passage of important civil rights legislation in 1964 and 1965.

Under that time-bound restriction, the movement began suddenly out of nowhere in the middle 1950s; by the middle 1960s it had triumphed. Under the leadership of Martin Luther King and the active cooperation of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, segregation had been vanquished. The battle had been won.

More ..

Tuesday, May 29, 2007

Blog Across the Mississippi Delta Civil Rights History Tour

AS FREEDOM VOLUNTEERS packed up and left Mississippi in 1964, brutality and murder kept going on. Some stories made it into the news and into later history books, but in smaller Delta towns several hundred miles north of Jackson, many incidents remain only as whispers among those who once picked the cotton ...


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

Bloggers Set to Revisit Mississippi Delta Civil Rights People and Places

Mount. Pleasant, Iowa (USA), May 29, 2007--Two friends from Cleveland, Mississippi and Mount Pleasant, Iowa, are spending ten days roaming and blogging the Mississippi Delta while visiting civil rights people and places. Their pictures and stories will be placed daily at http://mississippimurders.com on the Internet. (Photo at left, courthouse in Belzoni, home of the Rev. George Lee who was murdered in 1955.)

Margaret Block, an early civil rights advocate, and Susan Klopfer, author of Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited, plan to roam the Mississippi Delta starting June 1, visiting people and places of the modern civil rights movement. “We'll be traveling in and out of the Delta for ten days as we photograph important spots and talk about the region's history,” Klopfer said.

“We plan to visit the towns of Money, Drew, Glendora, Greenwood and other spots connected to the murders of Emmett Till, Birdia Keglar, Adlena Hamlett and Cleve McDowell, among others who were killed for their civil rights activities or just for being black.”

Block, an early SNCC volunteer, spent her first years out of high school in the small town of Charleston where they will kick off their blogging venture by attending a program June 1 honoring Keglar. The NAACP leader was murdered by the Ku Klux Klan in 1966 on her way home from a Jackson meeting with Sen. Robert Kennedy. Keglar once saved Block’s life by moving her out of Charleston in a hearse from the funeral home that Keglar managed.

“We have very few scheduled stops, but we will also leave the Delta to attend the funeral of Mrs. Chaney, James Chaney's mother in Meridian,” Block said. The two also plan to visit with Unita Blackwell, Mississippi’s first black woman mayor, and will take pictures as they roam the historical Brooks Farm, Parchman penitentiary, and Clarksdale, home of Aaron Henry, an early civil rights leader who Block also knew.

The two women met when Klopfer was researching a book on the civil rights movement, “Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited.” Klopfer was living on the grounds of Parchman at the time, where her husband was the chief psychologist.

...Contact:
Susan Klopfer
775-340-3585 (cell) sklopfer@gmail.com
http://mississippimurders.blogspot.com
http://themiddleoftheinternet.com

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