Market and Sell YOUR Own Books: Tips For Indie Authors

Monday, April 16, 2012

U.S. Secret Service agents sent packing from Colombia; Reminds me of Secret Service and JFK Assassination...so long ago




So why do I think of this book, when I read about what just happened in Colombia with the Secret Service and President Obama? Consider what happened when our president visited this country over the weekend:
President Barack Obama called Sunday for a "thorough" and "rigorous" investigation into allegations involving prostitutes and Secret Service agents in Colombia. Some 11 Secret Service agents and officers are being investigated over preliminary findings that they allegedly brought back several prostitutes to a hotel in Cartagena, U.S. government sources familiar with the investigation have told CNN.
"What happened here in Colombia is being investigated by the director of the Secret Service," said Obama, who spoke in Cartagena, where he was in town for the Summit of the Americas event. "I expect that investigation to be thorough and I expect it to be rigorous. If it turns out that some of the allegations that have been made in the press are confirmed, then of course I'll be angry," he said. 
The alleged misconduct occurred before Obama arrived in Cartagena. The Secret Service personnel have since been sent back to the United States and put on administrative leave, the agency said. The U.S. military said that five U.S. troops who were working with the Secret Service are also under investigation for missing curfew and alleged "misconduct" at the same Colombian hotel.
Source: CNN

* * * * *

So who are we kidding? Drinking and carousing is something new for the Secret Service? Ask historians and others, like the author of this book who was once a member of the Secret Service, and you will get a different story from what some national reporters are saying today -- that this is the "WORST thing" ever reported about the Secret Service (the people charged with protecting the President of the United States).

CONSPIRACY THEORIES HAUNT the Kennedy assassination; Abraham Bolden several years ago offered a new one, concerning discrimination and evidence suppression. Becoming, in JFK's words, the Jackie Robinson of the Secret Service, Bolden joined the White House detail in 1961, as the first African American Secret Service agent.

He was personally appointed to this position by the new, young president and I was excited to meet him. But I soon learned that Bolden has a temper; I learned this the hard way several weeks after I personally met and talked with him at a JFK conference in Dallas where he spoke about his book.

In fact, Bolden got so mad at me over something I wrote about him in a quick review, that he tracked me down through the conference organizers to complain -- hard. He even threatened me that he would sue me. It was an interesting experience, and I thought he was a bit harsh for a couple of sentences he didn't like. After all, I was writing a review -- something that would help him sell books.

But looking back at this, I realize that Bolden is not the kind of person to hush up something he believes to be important. He  is a fighter who stands up for what he believes. He is not a yes-man, and that is one reason why his book is particularly significant today.

I just wish he had been with the Secret Service this past week, and just maybe we would learn what really happened in Colombia. I don't have good feelings about what I've read so far, and I doubt that anything of substance has been reported.

Further, I have heard several reporters offer that what happened in Colombia was "the worst" disaster ever for the Secret Service. Oh give me a break. They screwed up with JFK, for sure, and from what Bolden writes, they did a lot more than party. Even the special Congressional Committee investigation, well after the Warren Commission, did not have nice things to say about the Secret Service, declaring them "inadequate". Hell, even some noted recent Lincoln assassination theorists assert the Secret Service helped with that shooting, too.

At the Dallas conference, I remember Bolden saying that his introduction to the Secret Service was not what he expected:

Already beset by racism (he once found a noose suspended over his desk), Bolden's idealism was shattered by the drinking and carousing of other agents.

"Soon after the assassination, he receives orders that hint at an effort to withhold, or at least to the color, the truth. He discovers that evidence is being kept from the Warren Commission and when he takes action, finds himself charged with conspiracy to sell a secret government file and sentenced to six years in prison, where both solitary confinement and the psychiatric ward await. That there was a conspiracy to silence him seems unarguable, but Bolden's prose is flat; so is his dialogue. This story is more enthralling than Bolden's telling of it, but the reader who sticks with it will enter a world of duplicitous charges and disappearing documents fit for a movie thriller." (Publishers Weekly)

Bolden's book today?

 ***** Highly recommend.

Friday, March 02, 2012

Could the plight of women 'back then' be a sign of things to come? (A review of The Help and more civil rights discourse)

My Mother’s Witness
The Peggy Morgan Story
Carolyn Haines
River City Publishing
2003


Have I read The Help or seen the movie, yet?

My mother’s enthusiasm was all over the place when she asked me this question. At 94, she had just seen the movie; a group from the Episcopal Church went together for the afternoon showing downtown. I could feel her disappointment when I said no, and I really did try to explain.

“Mom, I lived near Greenwood, Mississippi for several years, and it wasn’t that nice of a place for black people, or poor white people,” I told her. “I am not going to see it, so I can’t really criticize the movie except for what I have read and heard, and from what I know life was really like.”

I know. She and her friends saw the movie, and it made them feel good. "Times really are better," she offered.

What's frustrating about all this is that there are apparently some fleeting moments in this movie, when a better, truer, almost good movie seems to be struggling to the surface in spite of itself, as one reviewer, MSN’s Glenn Kenny, tells us. “Moments…that confront the ugly truth of our nation's history with both a clear eye and some genuine compassion.”


While all the cast members must have done their level best, and were certainly deserving of any and all film awards, their fine performances could not have made "The Help" all that less problematic…perhaps "just merely tolerable whenever they're in the scene."

I actually know Greenwood pretty well, because of the research I’ve done when writing about the modern civil rights movement as it played out in the Mississippi Delta. Greenwood was the home to Dr. Aaron Henry, a phenomenally brave man, a WW II veteran who came back home after the war, hoping to change the way his fellow men and women were treated. And in Greenwood, as throughout Mississippi, life could be brutal. Henry was a true hero, and his own story, The Fire Ever Burning, introduced me to the history of these time. (He wasn't mentioned in The Help.)



Aaron Henry: The Fire Ever Burning (Margaret Walker Alexander Series in African American Studies)


A wonderful woman from Greenwood, Peggy Morgan, a person who I soon met by telephone, after moving to the Delta, often gave me her time freely, sharing her stories straight out of the belly of the Greenwood beast. It was because of her courtroom testimony, that the person who probably killed the state’s first NAACP Field Representative, Medgar Evers, finally went to prison. 

Peggy is a brave soul and spent most of her life suffering with constant and horrid fear – before and after the trial of Byron De La Beckwith – eventually telling her story to Carolyn Haines, author of My Mother’s Witness: The Story of Peggy Morgan. This IS the book to read whether or not you have seen or read The Help. 

Peggy is powerful in her descriptions of what life was really like in this town, telling Haines of the world she shared of torment and transition within the society she was born into; the book starts shortly after the murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till in nearby Sunflower County, outside of another brutal small town, Drew.

“Shortly after the murder of Emmet Till, Inez Albritton (Peggy’s mother) became privy to information regarding the details of his kidnapping and subsequent death. Till was visiting relatives in the Greenwood area, a city boy who may not have taken the ‘rules’ of Delta society seriously. He allegedly whistled at a white woman, an advance that was not tolerated. Only 14, he was beaten, shot, and his body thrown into the Tallahatchie River with a seventy-pound cotton fan bound to his neck with barbed wire.”

But how could Inez Albritton have known any more about this murder committed by Mississippi men? How was she to become a "willing repository of secrets that allowed these murders to range free?" 


(You can subscribe to this blog by email.)

Both Inez and her daughter, Peggy, shared a world that was a mirror image of of the turmoil and violence within their family, and within their society. In a twist of fate, both would be connected with two of the most notorious racial murders committed in Mississippi, drawn into brutality and viciousness by the men in their lives – husband, father, uncle – “and by the very geography of the Mississippi Delta…the rich soil that sprouted cotton so abundantly was also the dividing line of a rigidly enforced social order.”

You see, shortly after  Till was murdered, Inez Albritton became privy to details through her husband and his friends, who knew too many details, and this knowledge was instrumental in her destruction, Morgan me. “Like many women of her social class [poor, white], she was a faceless female, the bearer of children, the provider of meals, sexual pleasure and some small income, the object of drunken abuse – in other words, a wife. Property of the man who gave her his name," Haines observed.

Ironically, in current times when women are observing with astonishment nearly every day on television news the actions and words of GOP legislators and political candidates such as Rick Santorum (demanding society regain this demanding and hostile status for women), it is probably a good time to review what life was like (and apparently still like, I would guess, for the political spouses of men of this ilk). What have we to lose? (I just caught up my dues to NOW.)

As Inez’s sixth child, Peggy found herself possessing information that would set her on the path to repeat her mother’s fate. I came to know Peggy, and she told me her story, almost ten years ago when we lived in the Delta, when I was writing about Till and others who were murdered in this God-awful (and at the same time fascinating) region. We talked on the phone, many times, from her new home many states away. I have not heard from her though, in several years, and because of the mental state she seemed to be in then, I wonder now if she is still well or even alive. (I have a call out to one of her friends to answer this question.)

But from what she told me, life in Greenwood was anything like life as described in The Help. It was just brutal beyond words for women – poor and/or black. Peggy always wanted to vindicate her mother’s death, and tried very hard through Haines’ book, a must read whether or not you choose to see or read The Help, that is, if you want to know what life was really like. Here is a small taste of what she described of her mother's paralyzing life:

“Gene walked slowly across the room to Inez. His hand shot out quicker than a snake could strike, and grabbed her arm in a punishing grip. ‘You crazy bitch…the last thing I need is your guts fallin’ out all over the floor right here in front of the children.’ He pushed her hard toward the door, slapping the back of her head hard…[then] went back to the bedroom to find his pants. Inez remained hospitalized until her surgery had healed sufficiently. But her mental condition did not improve. She was thirty-five and the hysterectomy dealt her a terrible blow….now she felt useless. What tiny scrap of self-worth Gene’s fists had not beaten out of her, the doctor’s scalpel had taken.”

Peggy, I hope that I can find you once again. We have more to talk about.

White, male politicians -- don't even think for one moment that you can do this to us ever again.


My Mother's Witness: The Peggy Morgan Story
Carolyn Haines
River City Publishing
2003





Friday, February 24, 2012

List of eBooks and Print Books on Emmett Till and Other Mississippi Stories

Just wanted to share this list of links for eBooks and Print books on Emmett Till, and Other Mississippi civil rights stories for Black History Week.
Susan


e-Books

Who Killed Emmett Till? (eBook, Smashwords)

Cash In On Diversity (eBook, Smashwords)

--- FOLLOW ME BY EMAIL ---

Where Rebels Roost (Amazon, Kindle)

Susan Klopfer’s Print and Nook Books (Barnes and Noble)

Delta Bookstore for Print and eBooks (LuLu Books)

Print Books

Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited (Amazon , Print)

The Emmett Till Book (Amazon, Print)

Saturday, February 18, 2012

Emmett Till CD audiobook available on ebay...




Link to eBay --- CLICK HERE


In 1955, Emmett Till, a 14-year-old African American teenager from Chicago, was brutally murdered by at least two white men while he was visiting relatives in Mississippi. His murder and the subsequent trial of his accused killers became a lightning rod for moral outrage, both at the time and even to this day. The case was not just about the murder of a teenage boy. It was also about a new generation of young people committing their lives to social change. As historian Robin Kelley states, The Emmett Till case was a spark for a new generation to commit their lives to social change. They said, "We're not gonna die like this. Instead, we're gonna live and transform the South so people won't have to die like this." And if anything, if any event of the 1950s inspired young people to be committed to that kind of change, it was the lynching of Emmett Till. ***The lynching of Emmett Till and the subsequent trial "set in concrete the determination of people to move forward," according to Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, in a way that previous events of a similar nature did not. Till's murder quickly became a rallying cry for civil rights protest, transforming a horrific crime into a springboard for justice. The Montgomery Bus Boycott followed closely on the heels of the case. Rosa Parks is quoted as saying, "I thought about Emmett Till, and I could not go back. My legs and feet were not hurting, that is a stereotype. I paid the same fare as others, and I felt violated." Later, Parks and Till’s mother, Mamie Till Mobley would develop a close relationship, maintaining contact throughout the years. ***Black men, including black teenage boys, had been brutally lynched by white men before the murder of Emmett Till. So it was no surprised that Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam were acquitted for this crime, since other white men had also gone unpunished for the murders they committed (and even confessed to committing outside of the courtroom). As this book's author, I would hope that people who learn this history come away with an understanding of the events surrounding the murder of Emmett Till, with an awareness of how their historical context shapes their actions, just as their actions have the potential to shape history. Why is it important to know the story of Emmett Till? Especially in the North, I have found that still too few people know this history (one civil rights "author" from Santa Fe, New Mexico recently chided me publicly for writing about Till and this event. "You are just trying to drum up publicity," he said. "And it's not even important"). ***But Emmett Till's story IS VERY IMPORTANT because the story of this young schoolboy and his murder deeply affected the modern civil rights movement and how history of the movement is now being told, and may soon be presented in a Hollywood film. Historians are finally writing more articles and books about this significant event that sparked the modern Civil Rights Movement, since the FBI several years ago re-opened the investigation of Till's murder. (This includes fictional accounts and plays.) Who Killed Emmett Till provides newly discovered background on the continuing true story of Till, whose violent death in the Mississippi Delta inspired Rosa Parks and others in the modern civil rights movement, and also presents some of the little-known history of the murders of thousands of African Americans in Mississippi, addressing how these events relate to today's terrorist world, where children and adults are murdered daily for hateful reasons -- or are destroyed for directly engaging in the fight for social justice. ***Who Killed Emmett Till book on CD is narrated by actor Jeffrey Hedquist and professionally produced by Andrew MacKenzie and Hedquist at Hedquist Productions in Fairfield, Iowa. Running time, approx 7 1/2 hours. Music of the Delta Blues included. Author Susan Klopfer is a graduate of Hanover College and holds a master's degree from Indiana Wesleyan University. She worked as a development and acquisitions editor for Prentice Hall and has won journalism award from the Misssouri Press Association. Her computer book, Abort! Retry! Fail! was named an alternate selection for the Book of the Month Club. Klopfer lived on the grounds of Mississippi's notorious Parchman Penitentiary while writing this nonfiction, true account of the murder of Till. She met and interviewed numerous residents of the Delta who were living when Till was killed and includes many accounts that are not covered in other books on Till., such as the shooting deeath of of a Delta civil rights attorney in 1997 who investigated Till's murder, and the unresoslved murders of two Mississippi teachers who were early voting rights advocates. "Susan Klopfer, the leading authority on the history of the Mississippi civil rights movement...Thank God for enterprising historians like Susan Klopfer who have the courage to state the obvious." -- Alan Bean, Ph.D., Friends of Justice." Audio Complete (Unabridged) Book in 6 Compact Discs (CDs).***

Tuesday, February 14, 2012

McFadden's 'Gathering of the Waters' Takes In-Depth Look at Emmett Till's Murder


Just another Mississippi County Courthouse

Bernice L. McFadden's new novel, Gathering of Waters, explores the history surrounding the brutal murder of Emmett Till, a major event in Civil Rights history. Rather than sticking close to the events of Till's death, Gathering of Waters looks at generations before and after Till's life in Money, Miss.




Consider this author's opening passage:

"I am Money. Money Mississippi.

I have had many selves and have been many things. My beginning was not a conception, but the result of a growing, stretching, and expanding, which took place over thousands of years.

I have been figments of imaginations, shadows and sudden movements seen out of the corner of your eye. I have been dewdrops, falling stars, silence, flowers, and snails."

This author's all-knowing, mythic voice of the town drives Gathering of Waters and allows McFadden to explore Till's life and death without the rigid limitations of history. So much has already been written about Till's death, probably best by his mother (Mamie Till Mobley), that writing a novel centered on it risks repeating what has already been said. McFadden's real contribution is to ignore the wider historical context of Till and focus in on emotional, human aspects of his story. McFadden's magical touches are a refreshing, unexpected approach to the hard facts.

Gathering of Waters by Bernice L. McFadden. Akashic Books. $15.95. 250 pp.

Monday, February 13, 2012

New civil rights book rife with "parallels, intersections and coincidence"

The Street Sweeper

Elliot Perlman
Riverhead, $28.95

5 STARS



"The Street Sweeper" tells the stories of two men whose lives would seem to have little to do with each other. Lamont Williams is an African American recently released from prison after serving six years for an armed robbery in which he was only tangentially involved. Adam Zignelik, son of a legendary Jewish civil rights lawyer, teaches history at Columbia University, where his professional and personal lives are not doing well.




Lamont works at a New York hospital, doing menial work, where he meets an elderly Holocaust survivor who tells him horrifying stories about working in a concentration camp, preparing prisoners for the gas chambers and then disposing of their bodies.

At Columbia, Adam's friend and boss is Charles McCray, the history department's first African American chairman. Charles' father, a successful and well-known African American attorney and civil rights activist, convinces Adam to research the role of black troops in liberating Dachau, a suggestion that leads him to Chicago. There, he discovers forgotten interviews with Holocaust survivors conducted shortly after the end of World War II.

"The Street Sweeper" is rife with parallels, intersections and coincidences. Its crisscrossing plotlines can at times dull the novel's dramatic impact, and the subplots that Perlman does not satisfactorily resolve leave the impression that the novel has been edited down from a much longer manuscript." Adam Langer, for the Washington Post

Friday, February 10, 2012

From the Land of Emmett Till: new book changes the story, but not the impact


Emmett Till's mother shows her pain at the Chicago showing of his open casket.

“Gathering of Waters” opens in the early 20th century in Oklahoma, with a girl named Doll possessed by the spirit of a dead woman. But after an unsuccessful exorcism and a decision by Doll’s mother to put her up for adoption, the story shifts to Money, Miss., where Doll grows up under the influence of the bitter, vengeful spirit that inhabits her. She steals, she has sex with near strangers and she eventually gives birth to a daughter who comes to despise her. After the flood of 1927, the novel’s attentions jump to that daughter, Hemmingway, just until her own daughter, Tass, falls in love with Emmett Till during the summer he will die. Then the story follows Tass, who marries and moves to Detroit with Emmett’s spirit at her heels.


GATHERING OF WATERS
By Bernice L. McFadden
252 pp. Akashic Books. $24.95.

Friday, January 27, 2012

Civil Rights Nonfiction Novel eBook Publication Set For Sept. 1, 2012

For Immediate Release
New eBook Announcement
Contact: Susan Klopfer
505-728-7924
www.susanklopfer.com

New eBook Announcement: Gallup To Mississippi

“Attaining true justice often takes longer than expected. In this case, getting there requires a heart-stopping side trip through Washington D.C.’s political killing fields.”
Susan Klopfer, author

DRIVING ALONE FROM Gallup, New Mexico to Drew, Mississippi takes all but 20 hours, according to most Internet mapping systems. In Gallup To Mississippi, getting there allows time for a once-journalist grandmother, Sara Crain, to ponder accepted facts surrounding the highly publicized murders of two civil rights icons, and the lesser-reported murders of two lawyers who once worked under the movement’s radar.

Crain’s questions also focus on the unresolved murders of two bravely fierce grandmothers, Birdia Keglar and Adlena Hamlett, recognized by U.S. Senator Robert F. Kennedy for speaking out on civil and voting rights before it was fashionable (or allowable) in their small town of Charleston, Mississippi.

Gallup To Mississippi – a nonfiction / Novel / literature eBook is set for September 1 release by civil rights author Susan Klopfer, who describes her protagonist as “a curious, former small-town newspaper reporter and grandmother who initiates a haunting drive eastward on I-40, with stopovers on sections of old Route 66 and further deviations to Lubbock, Texas and Washington D.C.”

The distance between Gallup and Drew is 1,117 miles – so what would prompt this 63-year-old Reiki-Master/office manager to make such a trip? What dangers lie ahead, and why would the route include Lubbock, Texas and Washington, D.C.? Will new facts discovered change history? “Readers should be surprised as this story’s swerves along the route to justice,” Klopfer states.

Gallup To Mississippi is a powerful and timely read, featuring political and legal intrigue, and a John Grisham / Truman Capote type of story that will leave readers never thinking about the modern civil rights movement or the justice system in quite the same way again, Klopfer said.
* * *

Susan Klopfer of Gallup, New Mexico is the author of eight books and eBooks, including Where Rebels Roost, Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited; The Emmett Till Book, and Who Killed Emmett Till(nominated for a Global eBooks Award). She worked as an acquisitions and development editor for Prentice Hall Computer Books and as an award-winning news reporter for the Branson Daily News.

Klopfer began her journalism career in Ely, Nevada and worked for the Lubbock Avalanche-Journal. Her computer book, Abort! Retry! Fail! was named an alternate selection for The Book of the Month Club.


Author Susan Klopfer
Original title Gallup Mississippi
Country United State
Language English
Genre(s) Nonfiction / Literature / Novel
Publisher Susan Klopfer
ISBN-10: 0982604947
ISBN-13: 978-0-9826049-4-6
Publication Date September 1, 2012

Wednesday, January 25, 2012

Occupied: a new organizer's Bible could help the movement

The Occupy Movement, if it is to last, has serious issues regarding oranization. I would hope members pay heed to the following email that I have received from Hunter Bear, an experienced and well-known civil rights movement organizer. Hunter is most recently the author of Jackson, Mississippi (a true organizer's Bible).

Peace,

Susan Klopfer
Author, Who Killed Emmett Till, The Emmett Till Book, Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited.

--- --- --- --- --- --- ---
Susan:

If you know of people or groups who might benefit from this, please send it around. In the last several weeks, there've been a number of explicit indications of interest in effective and enduring community organizing. For years, I've had a long website page which discusses the art -- and it is an art -- of bona fide organizing. What follows is one part of that page -- its basic essence. And I give the Link to the full "course." I posted this in a number of quarters where interest is apparent, even high, and I'm now shooting it off in your direction with the hope that you can further its reach to any actively or potentially interested persons you may know. It is likely that, at some point, I'll expand this into a trenchant print entity of some sort. Until then, however, this extensive page does offer a good deal of down-to-earth, brass-tacks guidance. In other sections of our website, I have specific discussions of our various activist campaigns over several turbulent decades.

In Solidarity,

Hunter or John

______________________________

The time for effective community organizing is obviously NOW. This substantial excerpt from our very full page should be helpful. The full course is, http://hunterbear.org/my_combined_community_organizing.htm

(H.)

HERE ARE MY RELATED PIECES ON ORGANIZING.

FIRST, AMONG OTHER INTEGRAL AND RELATED DIMENSIONS, ARE:

1] Invitations to the Organizer from the grassroots -- spontaneous and
wrangled. Some can come to one's own sponsoring organization; some can
come directly to you if you are reasonably well known; or you can arrange
an invitation.

2] Issues: Some are readily apparent, some not always apparent -- e.g.,
economic relationships; some are immediately realistic with work and some
are futuristic; some are frankly unrealistic in the foreseeable future.

3] Planning philosophies: Top Down, vs Basic Grassroots Up [my preference]. Set forth general overall goals, long-range specific, short range specific. Heavy grassroots involvement here is always critical.

4] Credibility of project: Should be made up and led primarily by the
people for whose benefit it is launched: e.g., "those of the fewest
alternatives." Careful delineation and evaluation of active and potential
leaders is obviously critical. And often things start out with a steering
committee of leaders and then, after the organization has grown and more
people are actively involved, elections of regular officers.

5] Some people may want to move too fast and others too slowly. The
Organizer helps develop the group's tempo and assists grassroots leaders
and people in meeting those expectations.

6] Direct action: Always know First Amendment and related rights.
Picketing, sit-ins, boycotts, mass marches are extremely useful. And
there is always a need for careful organization and tactical nonviolence.
Direct action should be accompanied by judicious media coverage.

7] Media use: Has to be used carefully: national wire services; local
television, often with national hookups; local radio; local and regional
press; specialized press; news releases -- who, what, when, where, why and how; press conferences; leaflets with ALL pertinent information; newsletters; community newspapers; community cable TV; Internet. There is always a need for constantly updated media/contact lists.

8] Lawyers and litigation: Defensive and aggressive legal actions --
"criminal" and civil; local volunteers; paid lawyers; national
organizational attorneys -- e.g., ACLU, Lawyers Guild, Native American
Rights Fund. Some non-in-court matters can be handled very effectively by good law students.

9] Possible allies and political action: National organizations; and
government agencies [be careful]; political -- informal approaches and
quiet contacts; formal approaches and lobbying and direct requests;
electoral [voting]. DON'T GET CO-OPTED.

10] Power structure analysis: Check out Moody's industrials and
Standard and Poor's; and check out lawyers and their big business
connections in Martindale-Hubbell Law Directory, and see FindLaw.
Also see firms in U.S. Lawyer's Directory. City Directory will frequently
give the official occupation of people. See corporate profit and not for
profit charters at the state secretary of state's office and check out
annual registration of organizations from state attorney general or sometimes secretary of state. Data on charitable organizations can be found at state attorney general's office and county tax assessor. There are also various national and regional Who's Who and IRS and U.S. Government Organization Manual and Congressional Directory. DON'T NEGLECT HELPFUL NON-OFFICIAL GOSSIP.

11] Coalitions [tend to be long term] and alliances [often shorter term]
are sometimes beneficial and sometimes not. Consider all of this
carefully and try to avoid precipitous marriages.

12] Although no Organizer -- whether from the "outside" or the "inside" --
will ever have full consensus from the community, he or she must avoid the
temptation to be a "Lone Ranger." That role can be temporarily justified
only in cases of extreme grassroots fear or heavy factionalism.
[Hunter Bear]
____________________________________________________________________________


JUST WHAT MAKES A DAMN GOOD COMMUNITY ORGANIZER? BASED ON MY 50 YEARS OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZING HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR] 12/30/03


[Published in the Spring 2004 issue of Independent Politics News And
Published In Oregon Socialist, Winter/Spring 2004 -- and much more.]

I'm an Organizer, a damn good one. I get and keep people together for
social justice action. I've been an Organizer for virtually half a
century -- all over much of what's called the United States. [I've also
been, among other things, a fur trapper, forest fire fighter, soldier,
prospector, metal [development] miner, minority hiring and training
consultant, college/university professor, writer.]

But my vocation is Organizer. I've done it full time for many years indeed.
And then, in conjunction with other jobs, I've always continued to
organize, somewhere and somehow.

What follows here is my essentially outline conception of the
characteristics and qualities of a good and effective Organizer who is
genuinely on the grassroots job. That can be a union local; a temporary
single-issue effort; permanent single-issue; permanent multi-issue;
coalition. It can sometimes be a specialized service center -- which itself
some way grows out of a community organization. A Movement is a transcendent widespread feeling, visionary, fueled by many local organizational efforts -- and it, in turn, inspires many local efforts.

Assembling my scattered notes on the matter a few days ago, I spent some
very early morning hours today [I rise about 3:30 am] sketching this out on
one of my traditional yellow tablets.

____________________________________________________________________________
_______

1] The Organizer should be at least bright -- alert and sparky. And
hopefully, be intelligent in a depthy and lofty sense -- which characterizes
most organizers who really stick with it over the long pull.

2] The Organizer should be relatively "pure" in the moral sense. But not
too pure -- because no one, anywhere, wants a sanctimonious conscience
hovering about. Set a good personal example. Do your recreational thing
away from the project. Wherever you are, avoid all drugs and go easy on
alcohol [if you are even into that sensitivity-dulling stuff.] Remember the
old labor adage: "You can't fight booze and the boss at the same time."
Always a special target, the organizer has to be aware of the consistent
danger of frame-ups.

3] The Organizer has to be a person who is thoroughly ethical and
honorable. Among other things, this means fiscal honesty [as soon as
possible and whenever feasible, a local committee made up of grassroots
people should handle the financial end of things]. And it also means
avoiding any hint of co-optation by the Adversary. The Organizer should
always have at least a representative group of the grassroots people present when meeting with the Other Side -- unless local people clearly approve a unilateral approach.

4] Formal academic training in the higher ed sense can certainly be useful
to any Organizer [or, as far as that goes, for anyone] -- but it isn't
absolutely critical. The Organizer, among other attributes, should be fully
literate [including computer literate], with finely tuned sensitivities,
with one hell of a lot of good sense. And almost anyone can do much
self-teaching.

Race and social class factors are not usually critical for a good
Organizer. [I'm a Native American who has worked comfortably with Indians of many tribes, Chicanos, Southern and Northern Blacks, Puerto Ricans, low-income Anglos. I've also never pretended to have proletarian origins.]

In a word, be sensitive -- but be yourself.

5] The Organizer absolutely has to be a person who can communicate clearly and well. Often, this can mean teaching -- without necessarily appearing to do so [many people really don't like a teacher.]
And communication, of course, involves one - to - one on a face - to - face
basis, e-mail, phone calls, news announcements and press conferences, mass meetings -- and much more indeed. It can also involve an Organizer helping people with their own unique individual/family problems. And that can help not only the person but will strengthen the overall effort.

6] The good Organizer will have some sort of altruistic ideology: couched
as an integrated, cogent set of beliefs embodying goals and tactics. After
that, there are several choices:

A] The Organizer can be passive; and the grassroots people can be
the ones who make the goals and the tactics. Not so hot.

B] The Organizer can impose a specific ideology -- including
goals and tactics. Not so hot, either.

C] The Organizer can convey a general ideological perspective
which the grassroots people can take or not take. They are not going to
want to feel pushed or hammered into things, but they'll usually take it --
especially if it's sensibly and sensitively "sold". They certainly may want
some time -- and should have it -- to think it all over. And, soon enough,
together the organizer and the people can develop solid goals and effective tactics. Remember, the organizer brings gifts and élan -- and the grassroots provides at least most of the reality.

7] The Organizer must have a genuinely powerful and enduring commitment. This has to involve a deep belief -- a very real belief -- in the People and the Cause. The Organizer has to be able to recognize potential
leaders -- and to involve all of the people. Virtually everyone has
something of substantial significance to contribute. The organizer gives
ideas -- but it's ultimately up to the people whom the organizer should
never manipulate. Bona fide organizing [not service center stuff] is about
the hardest work there is. A good Organizer is literally wedded to the
campaign all the way through.

8] The Organizer has to have a healthy but controllable ego -- with a
strong sense of destiny.

9] And any really healthy grassroots organizing campaign has to have a
Vision -- one that is two dimensional: Over The Mountain Yonder, and the
Day - To - Day needs. As I have indicated, a movement which, among other
things, is characterized by an idea whose time has come, is a broad-based
cause growing out of local community organizational efforts -- in turn
inspiring and stimulating new community-based thrusts. To become a bona fide movement, there absolutely has to be the two-dimensional ethos and active life. But the purely local effort has to have the same two dimensional
ingredients, whether it's part of a movement or by itself.

[Something with vision only can easily wind up a small, in-grown sect;
and something that's only day - to -day can become a tired service program. And when an organization has lost its way, factionalism is a sure thing along with the withdrawal of the local people.]

A good Organizer's role in all of this vision-building is extremely
critical -- especially at the outset. But it's also critical all the way
through in conjunction with the growing awareness of the grassroots people. The two-dimensional vision -- Over The Mountain and Day - To -Day -- is the shiny idea that makes people part of a crusade and sometimes a truly great one. It all gives meaning to life. And sometimes, if necessary, one will die for it. Each of these two dimensions stimulates and feeds the other. A good and truly effective Organizer absolutely has to show this
interconnection.

10] An Organizer definitely has to be a person with a tough hide -- not
deterred by cruel name-calling, physical beatings, or forced out of the game by injuring bullets or other bloody efforts. The organizer has to be a person of physical courage. And an Organizer also has to have the courage
to take unpopular stands within the developing grassroots effort.

11] And an Organizer cannot live materially in the pretentious sense.
Solidarity -- and also sacrifice!

Semper Fi -

HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR] Micmac/St Francis Abenaki/St Regis Mohawk

In the mountains of Eastern Idaho
www.hunterbear.org

COMMUNITY ORGANIZING PRINCIPLES -- OR, GETTING PRACTICAL [REVISED DECEMBER 25 2003] BASED ON MY 50 YEARS OF ORGANIZING EXPERIENCE. HUNTER GRAY/JOHN R
SALTER, JR

[PUBLISHED IN OREGON SOCIALIST WINTER/SPRING 2004
WITH NEW MATERIAL 8/25/04 -- AND IN OTHER PUBLICATIONS AS WELL.]

Missing -- way too often -- in radical and general social justice circles
and related settings is a willingness to get down into the grassroots and
engage systematically in some of the most challenging work there is:
organizing the grassroots into genuinely effective and enduring outfits.
That's Genesis in the Save the World Business. It's often far too easy to
engage in essentially empty "jaw-smithing." Fortunately, there are always
those -- Organizers and grassroots people -- who are willing to do the
really tedious and tough organizing work over the long pull. Those who are
reasonably experienced have their own particular approaches.

Here are my own basic ones:

These 17 essential organizing principles were created formally by me in
early September 1963, after what had already been a number of years of
successful social justice organizing -- and then modified and supplemented
a bit over many decades of grassroots organizing campaigns. Now I've
transcribed them yet again -- with some changes -- on December 25 2003.
They are part of a considerably larger work that I also wrote in September
1963 -- "Organizing the Community for Action." This was initially about six
tightly packed single-spaced legal size pages. I made several dozen
mimeographed copies and sent them around -- and they were well received. I continued to expand and polish up all of this and used "Organizing" and my following 17 component principles many, many dozens of times in organizing campaigns, including -- among other dimensions -- struggles, organizing staff and grassroots training capacities, conferences, and university classes. By this time, my little manual itself had grown to nine tightly packed and single-spaced legal size pages. Copies of all versions of "Organizing the Community for Action" are in my collected [Salter/Gray] papers at State Historical Society of Wisconsin and Mississippi Department of Archives and History. The basically full ones began in March, 1965 and August, 1966. In addition, I have copies of all of these editions of mine right here in Idaho.

I'm presently rewriting parts of "Organizing the Community for Action" --
streamlining and updating -- and we are right now discussing the 17
principles themselves here in the Pocatello region as we get set for some
anti-racist action.

The following applies primarily to organizing staff and broad-based
grassroots community organizations. But they can also apply
substantially -- with only a very few changes -- to other types of outfits:
e.g., local union organizations.

Anyway -

1] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is
significant in size and composed primarily, if not completely, of those
people "with the fewest alternatives".

2] The Organizers should insure that active and potential community
leadership is developed in such a fashion that the organization is led
primarily, if not completely, by those people with the fewest alternatives.

3] The Organizers should insure that the organization functions
democratically, and not in an authoritarian fashion and that, among other
things, formal rules of democratic procedure are established and followed
and that widespread grassroots participation and decision-making in the
affairs of the community organization is a continuing fact; and that there
is ever developing local leadership. The executive and public meetings
should be well attended and organizers must insure that an atmosphere exists in which the individual at the grassroots feels -- as is genuinely the case --that he/she is an individual; that his/her active participation in
the organization is needed and welcomed; that right from the very beginning, he/she can make their voice and presence felt within the organization; and that, as the group's endeavors advance, winning victories, his/her power and ability to affect those forces out in the problematic/crisis environment and beyond, which have been affecting his/her life, will be steadily and proportionately increased.

4] The Organizers should insure that the youth are involved in the affairs
of the community organization -- either within it and with leadership
participation, or in a parallel and cooperative youth group of their own.

5] The Organizers should insure that the community organization, right from the beginning, is characterized by maximum autonomy.

6] Although the initial formation of the community organization may be
around one paramount and pressing local issue, the Organizers -- not through rigid superimposition but through diplomatic and effective teaching -- should insure that, in the interests of the community organization's longevity and effectiveness, the leaders and membership of the group become aware of all issues directly and indirectly affecting them. The Organizers should insure, therefore, that the community organization functions on a multi-issue basis whenever possible.

7] The Organizers should insure that, prior to reaching a decision on a
particular course of action, the community organization is aware of all
relevant tactical approaches and the various ramifications of each.

8] The Organizers should insure that the leaders of the community
organization can effectively handle the matter of publicity.

9] The Organizers should insure that the community organization can
effectively handle the raising and administration of funds -- including,
when applicable, the preparation of funding proposals, the negotiation of
such, and the effective administration of the money received.

10] The Organizers should insure that the community organization becomes
connected with various relevant public and private agencies and is able to
negotiate and secure the necessary services from those agencies without
surrendering its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.

11] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is able
to function politically in a realistic and sophisticated fashion without
surrendering its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.
12] The organizers should insure that the community organization can
utilize the services of professionals without becoming dominated by such.

13] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is able
to enter into functional alliances with other groups without surrendering
its autonomy or compromising its basic principles.

14] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is aware
of the use of effective and rational protest demonstrations and, further,
that it is fully cognizant of the merits of tactical nonviolence.

15] The Organizers should insure that the community organization is aware
of the effective use of legal action approaches and is aware of public and
private legal resources.

16] The Organizers should build a sense of the oft-visionary and just
world of a full measure of bread-and butter and a full measure of
freedom -- and how all of this relates to the shorter term steps.

17] The Organizers, who at the outset may well play a very key role in the
function and affairs of the community organization, must, on a step-by-step
and essentially pragmatic basis, shift increasing responsibility to the
leaders and membership of the group, to eventually:

A] First, insure that the community organization can function effectively
with only occasional involvement by Organizers.

B] And then, that the community organization can function effectively
with no involvement by Organizers to the point that, in addition to
conducting its regular affairs, the group can "organize on its
own" --bringing in new constituents and/or assisting other grassroots people in adjoining areas in setting up and conducting their own community organizations.

I'm an Organizer -- a working social justice agitator. I've been one since
the mid-1950s and I'll always be one. In many respects, it's one of the
toughest trails anyone could ever blaze.

An effective Organizer seeks to get grassroots people together -- and does;
develops on-going and genuinely democratic local leadership; deals
effectively with grievances and individual/family concerns; works with the
people to achieve basic organizational goals and develop new ones; and
builds a sense of the New World To Come Over The Mountains Yonder -- and how all of that relates to the shorter term steps.

An effective Organizer has to be a person of integrity, courage, commitment.
And a person of solidarity and sacrifice.

The satisfactions are enormous.

HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR/JOHN R SALTER JR] Mi'kmaq /St. Francis
Abenaki/St. Regis Mohawk
Protected by Na´shdo´i´ba´i´
and Ohkwari'
www.hunterbear.org
(much social justice material)

See the Stormy Adoption of an Indian Child [My Father]:
http://hunterbear.org/James%20and%20Salter%20and%20Dad.htm

For the new, just out (11/2011) and expanded/updated
edition of my "Organizer's Book," JACKSON MISSISSIPPI --
with a new and substantial Introduction by me:
http://hunterbear.org/jackson.htm

Personal Background Narrative (with many links):
http://hunterbear.org/narrative.htm

Friday, January 06, 2012

What? You haven't read Howard Zinn? Take a look for yourself and see why he is a favorite author

"Social movements may have many 'defeats'-failing to achieve objectives in the short run-but in the course of the struggle the strength of the old order begins to erode, the minds of people begin to change; the protesters are momentarily defeated but not crushed, and have been lifted, heartened, by their ability to fight back."

- Howard Zinn






Monday, October 03, 2011

A civil rights author is giving away free eBooks to honor people who have been fired from their jobs or who are angry and depressed at work -- and fear layoff.

Susan Klopfer has written a set of prayers using real life concerns stated by people who are affected at work by the current recession.

"This is a Book of Common Prayers for the person who is suffering at work or who has been fired," Klopfer said.

The free eBook features prayers ranging on topics from people who fear a bad evaluation, to those who have found a new job and lost that one, too, Klopfer says.

"We were having related problems with a family member over this issue, and I felt a need to do something that might bring some cheer to others. When you get fired, you are often blamed for the cause, even if the work environment is sexist, ageist, racist or horrible for some other reason.

"But then you have to go home and explain why your family will suffer until you find a new job."

Klopfer said one of the most difficult issues for many people today who have lost their job, is that "too many" employers discriminate against the person who is not employed.

"It is a double whammy, and we need to address this in any way possible," Klopfer said.

Meanwhile, A Book of Common Prayer For Anyone Who is About to Get (or Just G) Fired can be read online at http://prayersforthefired.blogspot.com/
.

"For now, the book is available only on this blog. In the near future it will be published in true eBook form," Klopfer added.

"But it will still be free."

Wednesday, September 21, 2011

When Mississippi Does it Right -- Aaron Henry: A Civil Rights Leader of the 20th Century

Aaron Henry, civil rights leader


Kudos to the Mississippi Historical Society for the beautiful piece written on civil rights leader, Aaron Henry (by Constance Curry, who with Aaron Henry wrote The Fire Ever Burning. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2000.)

Aaron Henry’s Fourth Street Drug Store, which opened in 1950 in Clarksdale, became a hub for political and civil rights planning for three decades. Aaron Henry Papers, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 90.24, Box 144, Folder 4.

Writes Curry
-- Aaron Henry was born in 1922 in Coahoma County, Mississippi, the son of sharecroppers. From a young age, he worked in the cotton fields alongside his family on the Flowers Plantation outside of Clarksdale. He remembered those years vividly when he recalled,

“As far back as I can remember, I have detested everything about growing cotton.” Regardless of his early hardships, education was a priority for ...

Continued --

Civil Rights & Social Justice News: Real Civil Rights History Beats Out "The Help" and Hollywood's Take on Mississippi

Civil Rights & Social Justice News: Real Civil Rights History Beats Out "The Help" and Hollywood's Take on Mississippi

Monday, August 08, 2011

The Help's Viola Davis Says She Based Her Character 'Very Loosely' on Fannie Lou Hamer; Not!

Hollywood movies try to turn real events during the civil rights movment into 'feel-good' films.

In The Help, a much publicized film that focuses on the modern civil rights movement, Viola Davis, a Juilliard-trained actor best known for her Oscar-nominated role opposite Meryl Streep in "Doubt" (and for her stage work, for which she has won two Tony Awards), plays Aibileen, a maid in early-'60s Jacksonville, Miss.














Fannie Lou Hamer, revered civil rights activist from Mississippi. (Image may be subject to copyright.)

The maid quietly endures her employer's racist remarks and casual cruelty — only to go home and write down her thoughts in a journal.

Davis, who apparently knows little about modern civil rights history, is saying she based the character, "very, very loosely," on civil-rights activist Fannie Lou Hamer. "She was born the same year as Aibileen, in Mississippi."

Slow down, Hollywood. This statement is simply insulting.

Being born in the same year is all that Davis has going for her, when making this comparison to one of the world's most admired civil rights heroes and social activists Mississippi ever produced.

Fannie Lou Hamer was no one's quiet maid who spent the evening writing down her thoughts in a journal. She had thoughts, all right, and shared them with anyone she chose, including the President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson.

To understand and appreciate Hamer, one has to know from whence she came –

Born October 6, 1917, in Montgomery County, Mississippi, she was the granddaughter of a slave and the youngest of 20 children. Her parents were sharecroppers in this region of the Mississippi Delta, participants in a system of farming that allowed workers to live on a plantation in return for working the land. When the crop is harvested, they split the profits in half with the plantation owner, giving the system another name -- halving. Sometimes the owner paid for the seed and fertilizer, but usually the sharecropper paid those expenses out of his half. It is a hard way to make a living and sharecroppers generally were born poor, lived and died poor.

In my book, Where Rebels Roost; Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited, I wrote this about Hamer:

A wise civil rights leader, singer and storyteller, Hamer often told how her family stayed alive during the hardest years.

In winter months, Hamer and her siblings followed their mother from plantation to plantation asking landowners for leftover cotton, the "scrappin' cotton. When the family gathered enough cotton for a bale, these bits of scrap were sold to buy food. On those treks "[Mother] always tied our feet up with rags because the ground would be froze real hard," Hamer in 1967 wrote in her short autobiography, To Praise Our Bridges.

Music was tied to survival during these treks and Hamer became well known years later for comforting others with her gospel singing - especially during some of the most difficult moments in the Movement when people were beaten and jailed.

When young civil rights workers later moved into Sunflower County many quickly discovered that Hamer had a "unique ability to define the problems that affected African Americans in the Delta in their own vernacular," wrote J. Moye in Let the People Decide.

Hamer was "a leader waiting for a movement [who] believed deeply in the promise of the Bible and in the promise of the United States of America."

In the early 1960s, as the modern civil rights movement progressed, there were predictions of wholesale starvation in the Delta as government commodities were being withheld from sharecroppers during winter or non-working months. Mothers about to give birth were particularly concerned about the consequences.

It was Hamer who pointed out the labor and sweat of blacks that had "made them white folks creamy rich," concluding, "There's so much hate. Only God has kept the Negro sane."

On June 11, 1963, a message came into the Greenwood Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) office that a group of eight freedom workers - Hamer, along with June Johnson, Annelle Ponder, Euvester Simpson, Rosemary Freeman, Lawrence Guyot, James Wes, and Ruth Day - had been arrested and beaten by Winona jailers in Montgomery County for integrating the white waiting room of the bus station in Winona upon returning from a training session in South Carolina on June 9, 1963.

SNCC leader Bob Moses led a group of volunteers that night to Winona. Though she could hardly talk, Annelle Ponder whispered, "Freedom," when she saw her friends, wrote Cat Holland who observed that June Johnson's face was "so smashed and bloody I didn't recognize her."

Then Holland recognized Hamer, who "took her hand and ran it over her lumpy, bruised flesh," while telling her what happened. Holland wrote of her conversation with a police officer:

"Why y'all beat 'em like this?" I asked the policeman, who stood by leering.
"We kin give you some of the same thing," he said.
"Don't say nothing, Ida," Miss Hamer said. "You go back an' tell the others."

Hamer, Others Protest in Chicago

Mississippi's conservative "blue dog Democrats" in 1964 threatened to support Republican Barry Goldwater. The state party's leaders predictably kept out all black participation in primaries or conventions.

So the black-led Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) decided to become active in the state's official Democratic Party and to steer the party to support Johnson for President.

While the regular Democrats were sending a "hand-picked delegation to Chicago with only two token Negro delegates, although Negroes constituted 40 percent of 240,000 of the registered voters in Mississippi," MFDP members decided they, alone, should represent the state at the upcoming party convention, and Hamer was part of this group.

Aaron Henry, a Delta leader from Clarksdale and friend of Hamer's, appealed for $30,000 to support the Loyal Democrats of Mississippi, a bi-racial coalition made up of the MFDP, NAACP of Mississippi, the state Teacher's Association, the Mississippi AFL-CIO and the Young Democrats.

The coalition's purpose would be to appear before the Credential Committee of the Democratic National convention on August 26 to prove discrimination by the regular Democratic Party of Mississippi.

The secretary of state, however, refused permission to register MFDP because "there was already a Democratic political party in the state," even though Mississippi Democrats failed to support the national party's presidential candidate in the previous 1960 elections.

Whites did not take the MFDP very seriously and it was sometimes the target of editorial "humor." The state's spy agency, the Sovereignty Commission, meanwhile, had collected nearly 1000 files on the political organization including newsletters, membership lists, meeting announcements and notes, as well as commentaries from the Commission's investigators.

Then on August 12, an injunction was issued ordering all MFDP officials not to leave the state and go to Atlantic City for the convention. Also prohibited was engagement by the leader in any further MFDP activity. MFDP filed suit in federal court asking that more than a dozen of Mississippi's segregation laws be invalidated, taking advantage of the new Civil Rights Act legislation and causing a cloud of last-minute confusion as the group made haste for New Jersey.

Once they arrived, national Democratic Party leaders fell through in support of this unique group from Mississippi and were not prepared to greet MFDP's 64 delegates with open arms.

President Lyndon Johnson did not want bitter debates initiated, even if the regular Mississippi Democrats were supporting Goldwater instead of him.

Johnson and party liberals had campaigned on the basis of their civil rights "successes" and even though the Southern state party structures completely excluded African Americans, Democrats did not want this practice disrupted, fearing they would lose the support of Southern states.

But Fannie Lou Hamer added heat to the convention when she spoke before the Credentials Committee of the Democratic National Convention, telling the horrifying story of her attempts to register to vote in Sunflower County, including the beating she received in Winona.

Lyndon Johnson, concerned over the attention paid to MFDP and the fight for credentials, gave notice that he wanted to deliver a special televised speech on an unrelated topic, as Hamer was speaking.

News networks recognized the public's interest in Hamer and played her entire speech on the evening news, giving even more airtime than she would have received:
Hamer's unforgettable August 22, 1964 testimony would go down in civil rights history:

"In June the 9th, 1963, I had attended a voter registration workshop, was returning back to Mississippi. Ten of us was traveling by the Continental Trailways bus. When we got to Winona ... four people that had gone in to use the restaurant was ordered out. During this time I was on the bus. But when I looked through the window and saw they had rushed out I got off of the bus to see what had happened, and one of the ladies said, "It was a State Highway Patrolman and a Chief of Police ordered us out."

"...I was carried to the county jail, and put in the booking room. They left some of the people in the booking room and began to place us in cells. I was placed in a cell with a young woman called Miss [Euvester] Simpson. After I was placed in the cell I began to hear the sounds of kicks and screams. I could hear somebody say, "Can you say, yes, sir, nigger? Can you say yes, sir?"

" ... They beat her, I don't know how long, and after a while she began to pray, and asked God to have mercy on those people. And it wasn't too long before three white men came to my cell. One of these men was a State Highway Patrolman and he ... said, "You are from Ruleville all right," and he used a curse word, and he said, "We are going to make you wish you was dead."

" ... The first Negro prisoner ordered me, by orders from the State Highway Patrolman for me, to lay down on a bunk bed on my face, and I laid on my face. The first Negro began to beat ... until he was exhausted, and I was holding my hands behind me at that time on my left side because I suffered from polio when I was six years old. After the first Negro had beat until he was exhausted the State Highway Patrolman ordered the second Negro to take the blackjack.

"The second Negro began to beat and I began to work my feet, and the State Highway Patrolman ordered the first Negro who had beat me to set on my feet to keep me from working my feet. I began to scream and one white man got up and began to beat me in my head and tell me to hush ... I was in jail when Medgar Evers was murdered."

Historians would later write that Johnson told Hubert Humphrey to "crush the rebellion" and get the MFDP off the front pages, or Humphrey could give up on the idea of ever becoming vice-president. Humphrey instructed fellow Minnesotan and future Vice President Walter Mondale to "suppress the MFDP by any means necessary" and this was accomplished through secret meetings, and false statements, and by using information on the MFDP's strategy gathered from FBI informants.

Johnson, Humphrey, and Mondale finally offered MFDP to seat two at-large delegates to be selected by Johnson (to ensure Humphrey that Hamer would not be selected). MFDP delegates refused the compromise. Humphrey reportedly pleaded with Hamer (whom he reportedly found "distasteful" because she was poor and uneducated) to accept the compromise so he could become vice president and push civil rights.

Mississippian Rev. Ed King, also a delegate, years later told how Hamer expressed no sympathy for Humphrey's dilemma:

"Senator Humphrey. I know lots of people in Mississippi who have lost their jobs for trying to register to vote. I had to leave the plantation where I worked in Sunflower County. Now if you lose this job of vice president because you do what is right, because you help the MFDP, everything will be all right. God will take care of you. But if you take it this way, why, you will never be able to do any good for civil rights, for poor people, for peace, or any of those things you talk about."

In December 1964, MFDP tried to halt seating of Mississippi's white Congressmen who gained their seats in racially rigged elections by filing a notice of contest. MFDP claimed that Annie Devine, Victoria Gray and Fannie Lou Hamer, three MFDP Congressional candidates who ran in the freedom vote after being kept off the official ballot, were entitled to seats in their respective districts.

Congress would not budge. Civil rights groups including SNCC, CORE, SCLC and Americans for Democratic Action endorsed the challenge but ADA would not support the seating of the three women.

The national media also rejected seating of the three candidates; hence the Freedom Democratic Party backed down from supporting the three, but continued the seating challenge.

In January, 600 black Mississippians attending the opening ceremony of the 1965 session to lobby against seating of the Mississippi delegation, and more than one third of House members agreed, voting to bar the official Mississippian delegation.
Hamer had helped make their case.

Hamer Made Impact, Julian Bond Said

Long after the conflicts faded from national news coverage, Fannie Lou Hamer was acting on her dream of an ideal community and in 1970, formed the Freedom Farm Cooperative to help displaced farm workers become self-reliant.

At its zenith, the cooperative owned 680 acres of land devoted to cotton production, 200 units of low-income housing, day care center, and a small manufacturing plant.
When Hamer died in 1977, penniless, and ill from the beatings she had received, Georgia state legislator and SNCC representative Julian Bond spoke at her funeral, noting that Fannie Lou Hamer was "the articulator for the Southern movement to continue to fight long after SNCC's summer soldiers abandoned Ruleville and the rural South, shell shocked by too much of what was daily life for her."

Hamer's impact upon African Americans, the labor and women's movements, was impressive, Bond said.

"She and her co-workers taught a powerful lesson to those now facing the rapid dismantling of the formal structure of African American progress, the rise of widespread racist terrorism, and the intensification of economic exploitation."

Fannie Lou Hamer was not a person to journal her thoughts.

And Davis's character isn't close to this incredible woman from Mississippi.

Not close at all.
* * * * *

For many people, this is the only film they will ever see that has anything to do with the modern civil rights movement in Mississippi. They will leave with no idea of the utter violence and heroism that defines this period. I am concerned, for instance, when I hear the name of Fannie Lou Hamer being bantied about, as a model for the maid character. It is a shame, that when African Americans are offered an opportunity to work, it is for a film that doesn't represent the true pain and nobility of this movement that was so critical to our country.

We need some real history taught by films and books before moving into feel good movies about Mississippi's ghosts. Especially when in today's papers, we still read about white teens in Jackson killing an innocent black man -- for fun.

Wednesday, August 03, 2011

Will John Grisham Please Write EVEN MORE About Emmett Till, Cleve McDowell, James Eastland and Other Mississippi Madness?


Josh Lucas plays The Firm's Mitch McDeere.


I don't know if I can stand the wait! This Sunday is the two-hour premiere of John Grisham's new television series on NBC.

Sometime back, I wrote the following blog post -- begging Grisham to write a book about Emmett Till, a book that would be made into a movie. He hasn't done this yet, but at least we now have The Firm every Sunday on television to look forward to.

Here's what I have learned, so far, about this new series (Jan. 8, 9/8 central):

Based on the blockbuster feature film and best-selling novel by world-renowned author John Grisham ("The Pelican Brief," "The Client"), "The Firm" continues the story of attorney Mitchell McDeere and his family 10 years after the events of the film and novel. As a young associate, McDeere brought down the prestigious Memphis law firm of Bendini, Lambert & Locke, which operated as a front for the Chicago mob -- and his life was never the same. After a difficult decade, which included a stay in the Federal Witness Protection program, Mitch and his family now emerge from isolation to reclaim their lives and their future -- only to find that past dangers are still lurking and new threats are everywhere. "The Firm" is produced by Entertainment One in association with Sony Pictures Television and Paramount Pictures. The executive producers are Grisham, Lukas Reiter ("Law & Order," "Boston Legal"), John Morayniss ("Haven," "Hung"), Michael Rosenberg ("Hung," "Skins") and Noreen Halpern ("Rookie Blue," "Hung").


Here's my original blog post:

This is a plea to my favorite author, John Grisham. Write a book about Emmett Till – the 14-year-old Chicago, Ill. pupil brutally murdered 56 years ago while visiting relatives in the Mississippi Delta. You could bring us up to date on the FBI, cold cases and what went on in Sunflower County when the prosecutor would not accept help from the FBI to make the case.

It would make a wonderfully intriguing Mississippi murder mystery, since no one has ever really determined exactly what happened in those early morning hours of Aug. 28, 1955 and who all was involved.

While an updated Till's story alone would make a great, new Grisham novel, what keeps me going is the murder of a Mississippi lawyer, Cleve McDowell, shot to death in his home some 42 years later – a man who was born in the same year as Till and who became a civil rights lawyer because of Emmett Till’s murder.

On the morning of March 17, 1997 the naked, lifeless body of Cleve McDowell was discovered by his youngest sister, propped up against an upstairs bathroom wall.

Throughout his Mississippi Delta home, dozens of powerful handguns and rifles –"always one within his reach" his secretary told me – had been strategically placed by McDowell for self-protection.


So why didn't McDowell use one of his guns to save his own life?

What happened to bullets taken from McDowell's body during the state's autopsy? What happened to McDowell's guns?

Why do county officials still maintain a gag order on all investigation records of this murder? How is this even possible when the man is dead?

McDowell served as a public defender in Sunflower County for three decades. He was part of a group of black leaders organizing to pressure district attorneys and revive interest in many never-prosecuted cases in which Blacks were killed for doing civil rights work, as well as the murder of Emmett Till.

For over forty years, McDowell studied hate crimes and murders taking place during the modern civil rights movement. Where is all of the information he collected about the murders of Emmett Till, Medgar Evers and so many others?

Had this Mississippi lawyer and his friend been working to solved Dr. Martin Luther King’s murder? McDowell once worked for King. He was an SCLC man and worshiped this civil rights leader.

Did his partner really commit suicide, over in Montgomery Alabama? What about the signs of torture, McDowell discovered and reported about his friend, to others?

Why did McDowell tell his closest friends that he would be next?

Why is McDowell’s name being erased from Mississippi history? Why do some Mississippi officials and reporters get so uptight when I mention his name? And why aren’t they writing about McDowell?

So many questions wait to be answered. Would John Grisham see the story emerge? I have faith that he would.

Doing research in Mississippi on people like Till or McDowell, is a challenge. I’ve had my own fights when trying to pull up records in the Magnolia state, and I will share a few...

Back in November of 2005, writing about Who killed JFK, I kept running into intriguing facts and questions involving a Vicksburg, Miss. private detective who once worked for the state’s double secret spy organization, the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission, a state agency formed soon after the murder of Emmett Till, partly to stave off questions from the Feds.

This detective had gone on to work for the rather famous detective agency in New Orleans that later would be linked to Kennedy’s assassination. He returned home to Vicksburg, told his son that he had learned something about the assassination that scared the hell out of him, and then… the detective “accidentally” shot himself in the groin with his rifle and died.

Sullivan's death was reported as a hunting accident, since it happened while he was cleaning his rifle after a duck hunt, the report states. Sullivan's daughter once told me she and her brother absolutely believe their father was murdered because he knew too much. “He knew enough about guns to not have an accident like that,” the daughter said.

Now THAT would be a great book for Grisham's fans. It would put this story to rest for Sullivan’s family. While JFK conspiracy theorists keep the debate alive, few mention Mississippi's links to the president’s murder. I know Grisham could make it come alive in his own unique way.

My intrigue with the Mississippi connection to JFK's assassination began while discovering information that linked a true Delta icon, U.S. Sen. James O. Eastland, to several others often associated with the tragic Dallas event, including this Vicksburg detective.

Seven years before John F. Kennedy's murder, the magnolia state's infamous senator (a Delta planter whose paths crossed with McDowell’s more than once) met for the first time with Guy Banister, a controversial CIA operative and retired FBI agent in charge of the agency’s Chicago bureau. Banister was later linked to Lee Harvey Oswald and Eastland through involvement with Eastland's Senate Internal Security Subcommittee or SISS (sometimes called "SISSY”).

Okay, this is a little weak, but some conspiracy theorists have no trouble at all, making this connection.

Here is what I know:

The New Orleans Times-Picayune on March 23, 1956 reported that Robert Morrison, a former chief counsel for Sen. Joseph McCarthy, and Banister traveled to Greenwood, Mississippi in the heart of the Delta, to confer personally with Senator Eastland for more than three hours.

Describing the conference as "completely satisfactory," Morrison told the New Orleans reporter "Mr. Banister has complete liaison with the committee's staff which was the main object of our trip."

Don’t you think this alone would fire up John Grisham? I sure do.

Known as a notorious political extremist who was later described as the impetus for James Garrison’s 1967-1970 Kennedy assassination probe, Banister earlier became a brief focus of Mississippi's secret spy agency, the Sovereignty Commission, when it was suggested Banister should be hired to set up an "even tighter" domestic spying system throughout the state. This report was hidden away in the state's Sovereignty Commission records.

If Mr. Grisham wants to discover more about these records, I have put up the link online at http://mississippisovereigntycommission.com and yes – I own this domain and I know, for fact, it pisses off the state library, which houses the commission’s records (at least the records that were not stolen by former state officials or the FBI).

A second Eastland operative, private investigator John D. Sullivan, the detective from Vicksburg who was mysteriously killed after JFK’s assassination, made this suggestion (to hire Banister) to the Sovereignty Commission just months after the JFK assassination, also reported in released Sovereignty Commission records.

Sullivan once worked for Banister (both inside the FBI, as an agent, and then privately, in New Orleans) and also as a private self-employed investigator for the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. Sullivan got around -- he also worked for the private white Citizens Councils, of which he was an active member; and for Eastland’s SISS, as had Banister and Lee Harvey Oswald.

The Citizens Councils (and Grisham writes about them) came together after Brown V. Topeka Board of Education. Everyone in Mississippi was madder than hell about the Court’s decision to open up schools to black children, and so the Councils formed to “let others know what a good job Mississippi is doing with its segregation” and of course, to fend off any attempts to integrate.

The Councils, in effect, were the uptown Klan, as one famous Mississippi journalist, Hodding Carter, Jr., would write. For a few years, Councils got their money from the Sovereignty Commission, which received and channeled money to them through a famous New York financier (per Sovereignty Commission records). Oh, it gets so sticky in Mississippi.

When Sullivan reportedly shot himself soon after the Kennedy assassination, Sovereignty Commission investigators went to his widow and tried to acquire his library and files, but most of his confidential files were either reportedly burned by his widow or they had been lent out, and she “could not remember” who had them, Sovereignty Commission files once again disclose.

Some twenty-nine years later, in testimony before the Kennedy Assassination Records Review Board during a Dallas hearing on November 18, 1994, the late Senator Eastland was directly implicated in the president’s assassination by one of the author/theorists invited to testify.

"Lee Harvey Oswald was quite possibly an agent of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and he was doing the bidding of [Sen. Thomas J. Dodd and Eastland and Morrison,” author John McLaughlin swore. Of course, McLaughlin has been vilified repeatedly since he made that statement. This guy would be a great character in a Grisham novel.

But back to Mississippi and the fight over McDowell and Eastland secret records.

Documentation that could support or even discredit such assertions as McLaughlin’s might have been found in the Eastland archives at the University of Mississippi, but for many years, no objective scholar was allowed to search these archives since the day they arrived on campus. I was told that the well-known Mississippi newspaper investigative reporter, Jerry Mitchell, was allowed to go through the Eastland papers at will, threatening to report some nasty stuff if he was not allowed to do this at his pleasure.

Once I tried to blow past the law school’s dean who was in charge of the records. However, it did not work. I do not have Mitchell’s chutzpah or, more important, his power base.

But that day my son, a just-out-of-law-school graduate who had left New York, and I tried to present the Ole Miss law school dean (used to be called the Eastland School of Law) with a FOIA to gain a peek at some of McDowell’s records, hoping we could slide into senator’s stuff, too. We walked into the dean's office, requesting that we see some records on McDowell, who was kicked out of the law school back in the early 60s.

McDowell was a friend of James Meredith (the Black student at Ole Miss who nearly caused a second Civil War because of his admission to that infamous university). When Meredith left school (the day after their close friend Medgar Evers was assassinated), McDowell (the first Black admitted to the law school) was left alone.

To make matter worse, Meredith’s security guards were released from duty when Meredith split. After numerous chases and threats by students welding guns, McDowell finally ordered a gun for his personal protection. Campus security reported this, and McDowell was booted out. He later proved that a number of students actually carried guns on campus, especially during the Meredith clash, and were not kicked out of school. But this did not matter, and McDowell lost his case.

Back then, the former law school dean wrote a glowing letter of support (used to get McDowell into another law school). I learned about this letter from another author and I wanted to see it, but the current dean refused access. He said it did not exist.

So Barry and I are sitting in the office, watching Dean So-and-So read the Freedom of Information Act request to himself. He looks at my son’s paper for one second and then wads it up and pitches it into his garbage pail.

“That’s why I told the last person who gave me one of these,” the dean says.

Barry looked stunned. It was a wonderful experience for him, I believe, but Barry quickly decided to leave Mississippi to study for the New Mexico bar. I really did not blame him, but as his mom, I was amused and believed it could be chalked up as a good lesson for later on.

What would John Grisham do?

Back to Eastland's records.

Once records were handed over to the University of Mississippi, they were “managed” for years by a former Eastland associate and devotee who followed the papers from Washington, D.C. to Oxford, I discovered.

There was so much I wanted to learn about Eastland, a planter from the cotton hamlet of Doddsville, in the heart of the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta. The old Senator was a talented racist who often blocked money from coming into the Delta to feed and employ the poorest of Mississippians. Yet he was quite good at collecting hundreds of thousands dollars of federal farming subsidies for himself. Shades of Michele Bachmann.

Eastland died in 1986 at 82 and even though he was once of the most powerful U.S. senators ever to work Washington, D.C. (at one time chaired multiple powerful committees) there has been very little written about Eastland; his family and friends seem to be protecting what information is allowed to the public.

Ole Miss sure did a bang up job of helping his family protect this man who best known for his strong support of states' rights and for his opposition to the civil rights movement.

Like most Southern Democrats, Eastland denounced Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, and even advised that no one had to obey this Supreme Court decision.

"On May 17, 1954, the Constitution of the United States was destroyed because of the Supreme Court's decision. You are not obliged to obey the decisions of any court which are plainly fraudulent sociological considerations,” he told voters in Senatobia, Mississippi.

When it came to races mingling or as they say in Mississippi, mixing, the older Senator did not mince words, testifying to the Senate 10 days after the Brown decision came down:

The Southern institution of racial segregation or racial separation was the correct, self-evident truth, which arose from the chaos and confusion of the Reconstruction period. Separation promotes racial harmony. It permits each race to follow its own pursuits, and its own civilization. Segregation is not discrimination... Mr. President, it is the law of nature, it is the law of God, that every race has both the right and the duty to perpetuate itself. All free men have the right to associate exclusively with members of their own race, free from governmental interference, if they so desire.

When three brave young civil rights workers Mickey Schwerner, James Chaney, and Andrew Goodman were kidnapped and killed in Mississippi on June 21, 1964, Eastland reportedly told President Lyndon Johnson that the incident was a hoax and there was no Ku Klux Klan in the state, conjecturing that they young men had gone to Chicago.

Later released records of President Lyndon Johnson show this conversation:

Johnson: Jim, we've got three kids missing down there. What can I do about it?

Eastland: Well, I don't know. I don't believe there's ... I don't believe there's three missing.

Johnson: We've got their parents down here.

Eastland: I believe it's a publicity stunt...

President Johnson once said that, "Jim Eastland could be standing right in the middle of the worst Mississippi flood ever known, and he'd say the niggers caused it, helped out by the Communists.”

I remain fascinated by Sovereignty Commission records showing that Eastland asked for a list of students who would be coming into Mississippi for Freedom Summer. It also intrigues me that Paul Goodman was the son of the Pacifica Radio executive who was earlier hounded by Eastland in special Senate hearings.

Would Grisham be so intrigued?

Well, after our unsuccessful Freedom of Information Act or FOIA bid to the University of Mississippi's law school, an ethical historian finally was hired by Ole Miss to organize the archives based in the law school. The records, by the way, were moved over to the school’s library, thus getting rid of the law school's problem.

So we could finally see some records?

Not a chance.

One Ole Miss historian explained the current plan was to release first all of Eastland's press releases. (Old press releases are something I really want to dig through. I am kidding.) However, she was honest and admitted that many important files were “probably missing” – that the files looked pretty much “cleaned out."

There was something gained from our efforts, though. It did come back to me that “some people at Ole Miss were really angry” over the FOIA request. This was good news. Plus, I helped my son get over his angst before he left Mississippi by driving around together on campus blasting our CD version of Bob Dylan singing Dixie. If you have not heard the man sing it, do. He spent a Freedom Summer in the tiny cotton town of Drew, my friend Margaret Block told me, the same town where McDowell was killed years later. Very close to where young Till had been tortured in a planter’s shed only a few miles away from McDowell's home. Dylan got it, all right, and sings Dixie with a slight snarl.

I once spoke with historian Carol Polsgrove from Indiana University who wanted to see Eastland’s records. Polsgrove said she was interested in the white resistance to the civil rights movement, that it has not received the kind of attention from historians that the movement itself has—understandably, since there is nothing very heroic about this behavior.

She said she had thought about writing a biography of Eastland, terming him the political linchpin of the resistance, and going so far as to call the law school, asking to see his papers. Secretaries told her they were stowed in boxes in a basement—uncataloged and inaccessible. A library staffer whispered that Senator Eastland was not quite “politically correct”.

No kidding?

Polsgrove and I agreed we would really love to go through ALL of Eastland’s papers, someday. I felt a bond of sisterhood, at the time.

So, don’t you wonder what kind of a tax deduction his family got for donating these inaccessible and incomplete papers to this most southern university on Earth? Where students still dally in blackface, upon occasion?

Would John Grisham demand to see all of the Eastland papers? I would like to think so.

Damn, I wish my favorite author would go pay a visit to Oxford, Mississippi, maybe get some of Eastland’s good stuff and then pay a visit to Sunflower County to let his readers know just what happened to Cleve McDowell and to his lawyer-friend over in Alabama.

This would be truly an excellent reading adventure, a new John Grisham novel I could really get into. Something to download on my iPad for a good read on a rainy summer day.
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Susan Klopfer writes on civil rights history and current issues. She is the author of several civil rights books that related to the Mississippi Delta, including her newest book, "Who Killed Emmett Till," available in e-book, audio book and print.